Humayta qal'asi - Fortress of Humaitá - Wikipedia

Koordinatalar: 27 ° 04′S 58 ° 31′W / 27.067 ° S 58.517 ° Vt / -27.067; -58.517

Daryo Humayta qal'asida egiladi. Bosqinli flotilla qisqa tutashuvdagi akkumulyator otashida zanjir pog'onasi ostida ushlab turilayotganda oqimga qarshi (o'q bilan ko'rsatilgan) bir mildan ko'proq masofani bosib o'tishi kerak edi. Ammo eng katta xavf qo'lbola aloqa qilingan minalardan iborat edi.

The Humayta qal'asi (1854-68), ma'lum majoziy ma'noda sifatida Gibraltar ning Janubiy Amerika, edi a Paragvay og'ziga yaqin harbiy o'rnatish Paragvay daryosi. A strategik mintaqada tengsiz, "Janubiy Amerikada bunaqasini ko'rmagan qal'a", bu "Paragvay va yuqori daryolarning kaliti" edi. Bu qit'a tarixidagi eng qonli to'qnashuvda hal qiluvchi rol o'ynadi Paragvay urushi - bu operatsiyalarning asosiy teatri bo'lgan.

Humayta joylashgan joy
Braziliyalik temir temir Humayta qal'asi yonidan so'nggi kemalar, 1868 yil 19-fevral. Braziliyalik dengiz muhandisi va suv akvatori Trajano Augusto de Carvalho tomonidan (1830–1898).

Bu joy daryoda o'tkir taqa burmasi edi; deyarli barcha kemalar Paragvay Respublikasi - va haqiqatan ham Braziliya provinsiyasiga bug'lanish uchun Mato Grosso - navigatsiya qilishga majbur bo'lishdi. Burilishga 6000 futlik (1,8 km) chiziq buyruq bergan artilleriya batareyalari, oxirida zanjir bor edi portlash ko'tarilganida, qurol-yarog 'ostida yukni ushlab turdi. Navigatsiya kanalining kengligi atigi 200 yard edi va artilleriya osonlikcha etib bordi. Qal'a quruqlik tomonga hujumdan himoya qilib, o'tib bo'lmas darajada himoya qilindi botqoq yoki bu etishmayotgan joyda mudofaa tuproq ishlari bu eng katta kengayish tizimini o'z ichiga olgan xandaklar 8 chiziq milga (13 km) cho'zilib, 18000 kishilik garnizonga ega edi va 120 ta to'pni joylashtirdi. O'zining eng yuqori cho'qqisida Humayta dushman tashish uchun o'tib bo'lmaydigan deb tanildi.

Humaitá kontekstida. Paragvayning janubi-g'arbiy qismida botqoqli hududlarda Ittifoqchilar ikki yarim yil davomida botqoqlanib qolgan kichik maydon. Xaritadagi masshtabga e'tibor bering.[1]

O'zining gullab-yashnagan davrida yaratgan keng tarqalgan tasavvur - Paragvay bostirib kirish qiyin bo'lgan mamlakat - uning marshal-prezidentini qo'zg'atgan bo'lishi mumkin Frantsisko Solano Lopes tashqi siyosatda keraksiz xatarlarni qabul qilish va, xususan, hukumat kemalari va aholisi ancha ko'p bo'lgan viloyatlarni egallab olish. Braziliya va Argentina ularga hujum qilish uchun qo'shin yuborish va Urugvay. Ular unga qarshi birlashdilar Uchlik Ittifoqi shartnomasi. Urush uning mamlakatini mag'lubiyatga va vayronagarchilikka olib keldi qurbonlar ulkan edi.

Uchlik Ittifoqi shartnomasining e'lon qilingan maqsadi Humayta istehkomlarini buzish edi va boshqa hech kim bunyod etilmasligi kerak edi. Ammo qal'a, keyinchalik qurol-yarog 'bilan qoplangan so'nggi harbiy kemalar uchun daxlsiz bo'lmasa ham, ittifoqchilarning Paragvay poytaxtiga ko'tarilish rejalariga jiddiy to'siq bo'ldi. Asunjon va Braziliya hududini qaytarib olish uchun Mato Grosso: bu ularni ikki yarim yilga kechiktirdi. Bu olingan Humaytani qamal qilish (1868), so'ngra Shartnomaga binoan yo'q qilindi.

Hozirgi paragvayliklar uchun Humayta milliy g'urur ramzi bo'lib, o'z mamlakatlarining qarshilik ko'rsatishga qarshi kurashish irodasi tarafdoridir.

Bugungi kunda San-Karlos Borromeo cherkovining xarobalari. Fortress majmuasining bir qismi, cherkov urush paytida dengiz qurollari otishma bilan vayron qilingan; Humaytada Braziliya temirchilariga ko'rinadigan yagona ob'ekt.[2]

Uni qurish motivlari

Paragvay uchun kalit. Moviy o'q Paragvay daryosining og'ziga yaqin joyda qal'aning joylashishini ko'rsatadi. Xaritaning yuqori qismida Mato Grosso va Braziliya va Paragvay o'rtasida bahsli hudud joylashgan. (Manba: Tompson, VIII plastinka.)

Paragvay kaliti

Paragvay dengizga chiqmagan mamlakat va o'z tarixining ko'p qismida unga kirish qiyin bo'lgan, faqat Atlantika okeanidan suzib o'tishdan tashqari Parana daryosi va shuning uchun Paragvay daryosi (xaritaga qarang)[3] dastlabki ispan kashfiyotchilari qilganidek. Boshqa kirish usullari mavjud edi, ammo ular bosqinchi kuchni qiyin va dushman mamlakat orqali to'ldirishni talab qilishlari kerak edi.[4] Shunday qilib, daryoning buyrug'i Paragvayning xavfsizligini ta'minlash uchun muhim ahamiyatga ega edi, chunki ular uning kattaroq kattaligidan qo'rqqan va unga ishonmagan[5] qo'shnilar Braziliya va Argentina.[6]

Braziliya imperiyasi haqida tashvish

Imperiyalari o'rtasidagi ziddiyatlarning uzoq tarixida Portugaliya va Ispaniya Amerikada portugaliyaliklar Ispaniyaning da'vo qilingan hududiga ko'plab hujumlarni amalga oshirdilar - ularning ba'zilari doimiy ravishda. Qul bosqini tomonidan Bandeirantlar (hozirgi chegarachilar) Braziliya ) ichiga Jizvitlarni kamaytirish Paragvay ko'pchilikni olib ketdi Guaraní braziliyaliklardan qo'rqqan va nafratlanadigan aholi.[7][8][9] Ikki imperiya o'rtasidagi chegara hal etilmadi va to'qnashuvlar mustaqillikka erishgandan so'ng, Portugaliya Amerikasi bo'lganida davom etdi Braziliya imperiyasi.[10][11] Braziliya o'z hududiga amaliy kirish imkoniga ega emas edi Mato Grosso faqat Atlantika okeanidan Paragvay daryosiga suzib o'tish orqali (xaritaga qarang);[12] Paragvay navigatsiyaga xalaqit berishi mumkinligidan qo'rqish mojarolarga sabab bo'ldi.[13] Paragvay qaerda tugagan va Mato Grosso qaerda boshlagan - bu fikr masalasi edi.[14]

Buenos-Ayresdan xavotir

Ispan Daryo plitasining vitse-qirolligi taxminan hozirgi zamon hududlari bilan juda katta bo'lgan ulkan hududni egallagan Boliviya, markaziy va shimoliy Argentina,[15] Paragvay va Urugvay. Garchi u juda uzoq vaqt mavjud bo'lmagan bo'lsa-da (1776-1810) Ispaniyaning vitse-vitse-prezidenti o'z o'rnini shaharda egallagan Buenos-Ayres. Ispaniyadan mustaqil bo'lgandan so'ng, shahar o'zini xuddi shu hududning poytaxti deb da'vo qildi va o'zini haqli deb bildi Janubiy Amerikaning birlashgan provinsiyalari.[16][17] Boshqa provintsiyalar - ayniqsa Boliviya, Urugvay va Paragvay - farq qilishni iltimos qilishdi va Vitseroylik akmoniya va urushda tarqaldi. Xususan, Buenos-Ayres Paragvayning mustaqil harakat qilish huquqini tan olmadi va 1811 yilda general boshchiligida qo'shin yubordi. Manuel Belgrano oldini olishga harakat qilish.[18] Buenos-Ayres gubernatori Xuan Manuel Rosas, "kim Paragvayni adashgan viloyat deb bilgan"[19] uning diktaturasi davrida (1835–52) Paragvayni yopib qo'yib, to'pig'ini ko'tarishga harakat qildi Parana daryosi tijorat transportiga (qarang. qarang Vuelta-de-Obligado jangi ). Buenos-Ayres viloyati boshqa viloyatlari bilan kelishmovchiliklarga duch keldi Argentina Konfederatsiyasi va o'zini mustaqil deb e'lon qildi Buenos-Ayres shtati; Paragvay mustaqilligini boshqalar tan olgandan keyin ham tan olmadi. Faqatgina XIX asrning oxirlarida (1859) qayta birlashgan Argentina mustaqil ravishda Paragvayni rasman tan oldi. Shunday bo'lsa-da, Argentina va Paragvay o'rtasidagi chegaralar bahsli bo'lgan, xususan Chako va Missionlar hududlar.[20]

Paragvayning mudofaa nuqtai nazari

1811 yilda o'z mustaqilligini qo'lga kiritgandan so'ng Paragvay Ispan Amerikasiga qo'shni anarxiyani chetlab o'tishga harakat qildi. Uning dahshatli diktatori Xose Gaspar Rodriges de Fransiya (1820–1840) qat'iy izolyatsiya siyosatini o'rnatdi. Uning hukmronligi davrida ozgina odam Paragvayga kirishi yoki undan chiqib ketishi mumkin edi.[21][22][23] Professor Uilyamsning bahosi: "Paragvayni iqtisodiy jihatdan majburlash va uni tiz cho'ktirish uchun Buenos-Ayres faqat Paragvay millatchiligini qattiqlashtirdi va ajralib chiqqan provinsiyani ksenofobik ravishda ixtiyoriy ravishda izolyatsiya qildi".[16]

Frantsiyaning o'limidan so'ng uning o'rnini egalladi Karlos Antonio Lopes, (ba'zi mualliflar tomonidan "Lopes I" deb nomlangan,[24] agar nomuvofiq bo'lsa), Frantsisko Solano Lopesning otasi ("Lope II"). Lopes Men Paragvayni tashqi savdo va texnologiyalarga ochdim,[25][26][27][28][29]} lekin paroxod o'z mamlakatini bosqinga qarshi himoyasiz qildi[30][31] va u qudratli qo'shnilarining hiyla-nayranglaridan qo'rqishini tushunar edi.[32]

Uning prezidentligi davrida nafaqat Braziliya va Buenos-Ayres, balki AQSh bilan ham ziddiyatlar bo'lgan: USSSuv jodugari Itapiru qal'asi Amerika harbiy kemasini o'qqa tutgan 1855 yilgi ish,[33] olib keldi Paragvayga qarshi AQSh dengiz ekspeditsiyasi 1858 yilda.[34] Garchi Karlos Lopes qachon orqaga qaytish kerakligini biladigan darajada zukko bo'lsa ham,[35][36][37][38][39] u kelajakda Paragvayni xorijiy hujumlardan immunitetga keltirishga qaror qildi.[40]

Uning qurilishining bevosita sababi

Humayta qo'riqchilari uyi. Illustrated London News-dagi o'yma, 1864. Tasvir avvalroq qilingan ko'rinadi.

1777 yilda, mustamlaka davrida, kamtarin qo'riqchi Paragvay daryosining og'zidan 15 milya balandlikda joylashgan Humayta shahrida (qal'a yoki kuzatuv punkti) tashkil etilgan. Biroq, yanada qo'rqinchli versiya Lopes I. buyrug'iga binoan bosqichma-bosqich qurilgan edi. U ishni 1854 yilda Braziliya bilan chegaralar va navigatsiya to'g'risidagi mojaro paytida, Paragvayga Braziliya flotiliyasi tahdid qilganda boshlagan;[41][42][36] Lopesning baxtiga, braziliyaliklar daryoning pastligi tufayli kechikishdi.[43][44] Paragvay muallifi va diplomati Gregorio Benites - o'sha paytda Paragvay armiyasida bo'lgan - boshqacha tushuntirish bergan. Braziliya eskadroni ketayotganini eshitgan Lopes I darhol Paso-de-Patriyadan Humayta shahriga 6000 qo'shinini ko'chirdi; kechayu kunduz ishladilar, 15 kun ichida ular bu joyni, shu jumladan qizil olovli to'plar tayyorlash uchun pechlarni mustahkamladilar.[45] Braziliya eskadrilyasi istehkomlarning mustahkamligi tufayli ishdan bo'shatildi; suvning past holati haqida faqat tasodifan aytib o'tilgan.[46] Tomas Jefferson Peyj USN[47] mustaqil yozgan[48] Benites versiyasini tasdiqlashga moyil bo'lgan hisob.[36][49]

Dastlabki ishlar

Vengriya muhandislari polkovnikining loyihasiga Visner de Morgenstern,[50][51] u shoshilinch ravishda daryoni mustahkamladi chap qirg'oq doimiy ravishda, lekin asta-sekin oshirib boriladigan bir nechta batareyalar bilan va ularning orqa qismini o'rab turgan quruqlikda xandaq qazilgan.[13] U bokira o'rmonni kesib tashladi, faqat bir nechta tarqoq daraxtlarni qoldirib, ildizlarini yig'di va yakuniga ikki yil sarf qilingan birinchi batareyalarni qo'ydi.[50] 1859 yil yanvarga qadar o'rnatish juda qo'rqinchli bo'lib chiqdi. Kemadagi guvoh tomonidan tasvirlanganidek USSFulton, qismi Paragvay ekspeditsiyasi tomonidan yuborilgan Prezident Byukenen Qo'shma Shtatlarga qilingan deb da'vo qilingan xatolar uchun qoplashni talab qilish

O'n oltita dahshatli diafragma ularning xiralashganligini va ular tarkibida bo'lishi mumkin bo'lgan boshqa narsalarni biz tomonga qaratdi; va, xuddi rasmdagi ko'zning ko'zlari singari, kemaning harakatini kuzatib turganday tuyuldi ... Bu teshiklar kosemat g'ishtdan qurilgan, lekin juda chuqur va o'n olti sakkiz dyuymli qurolning juda dahshatli batareyasi bilan himoyalangan batareya.

Boshqa ko'plab batareyalarga e'tibor berildi.[52] Fultonqolgan otryadini orqada qoldirib, yuqoriga ko'tarilishga ruxsat berildi.[53]

Paragvay hukumati bilan tuzilgan shartnomalar bo'yicha juda ko'p sonli ingliz muhandislari tomonidan doimiy ravishda uzaytirilgan ishlar nazorat qilindi.[29][54]

Panorama
Urushgacha Humayta qal'asining ko'rinishi (gorizontal ravishda aylantirish). Ushbu balandlik, ehtimol kelajakdagi Admiral tomonidan 1857 yilda chizilgan Ernest Mouchez frantsuz dengiz kemasida Bisson,[55] Paragvay hukumati josuslikda ayblagan,[56] bu ishchi inshoot sifatida qal'aning ozgina tasvirlaridan biridir. (Omon qolgan rasmlarning aksariyati uni qo'lga kiritgandan so'ng va ittifoqchilar tomonidan qisman buzib tashlangan.) Chap tomonda London uning keng qurol bilan batareya xursandchilik. Eskiz zanjir boomini ko'rsatadiganga o'xshamaydi. Frantsuz eskizining ushbu nusxasi Braziliya dengiz razvedkasi tomonidan Rio-de-Janeyroning "Arsenal" i 1857 yilda va Braziliya Milliy kutubxonasida saqlanadi.

Tayyor qal'aning tavsifi

Humayta qal'asining batafsil rejasi, unda batareyalar va boshqa qurilmalar ko'rsatilgan. Urush oxirida Braziliya harbiy tadqiqotchilari tomonidan ishlab chiqilgan va ittifoqchilar qatorlarini ham ko'rsatadi aylanib o'tish. (Ushbu rasmni eng yuqori aniqlikda ko'rish mumkin.)
Polsha-argentinalik ofitser tomonidan tuzilgan Humayta qal'asining yana bir rejasi[57] Roberto Adolfo Chodasevich (1832–1891).

Manzil

Humayta qal'asi daryodan 10 metr balandlikda, tekis taqada, taqa keskin burilishda joylashgan edi.[58] '' 'Vuelta de Humaitá' '' 'deb nomlangan burilish[59] ideal strategik siqilish nuqtasi edi. Uzunligi 1500 metr (4.900 fut) edi; navigatsiya kanali atigi 200 metrgacha toraytirildi (660 fut) kenglik; oqim 2.8 edi tugunlar (5,2 km / soat; 3,2 milya) va joylarda 3 tugun (5,6 km / soat; 3,5 milya), kun kemalari to'xtashi qiyin; va (bu narsa Braziliya dengiz flotini dahshatga soladigan narsa edi)[60]) "torpedalar" ni chiqarish uchun ideal (suzuvchi XIX asr) dengiz minalari ).[61][62]

Bostirib kiruvchi flotilla uchun yoqimsiz syurpriz - daryo tubining o'ziga xos konformatsiyasi tufayli "xoinlar" orqa daryolar ko'pincha kemaning uzunligiga to'g'ridan-to'g'ri mutanosib ravishda rul harakatini neytrallashtiradi ".[63]

Birinchi taassurot

Kashfiyotchi kapitan ser Richard Berton Urush paytida sahnaga tashrif buyurgan - braziliyaliklar hali ham istehkomlarni demontaj qilayotgan paytda - buni quyidagicha tasvirlab berdi:[64]

Qurol-yarog 'foydasiga va yuk tashishga zarar etkazish uchun supurish odatdagidan ko'proq konkavdir. Bu ajoyib burilishdan ko'ra xavfli narsa yo'q, chunki kemalar, xuddi sodir bo'lganidek, olov ostida chalkashib ketishadi Port-Xadson tomonidan boshqariladigan parkga Admiral D. G. Farragut. Daryoning balandligidan yigirma-o'ttiz fut balandlikda joylashgan va ba'zi joylarga botgan baland qirg'oq yuqoriga va pastga qarab botqoqlar bilan chegaralangan. Xandaklar, pardalar va .dan iborat tuproq ishlari qizil rang, kerakli vaqt oralig'ida joylashtiriladi va Torres Vedrasning chiziqlari, ikkala ekstremalini daryoning ustiga qo'ying, uning shakli U harfi bilan shakllanadi va janubga ichki tomon gibbous shaklida cho'ziladi. Sxemasi qariyb sakkiz yarim milni tashkil etadi va 8 000 000 kvadrat metrgacha o'tloqli erlarni qamrab oladi - bu ulug'vor jang maydoni.

Kanal

200 metrlik keng navigatsiya kanali sharqiy sohilga, ya'ni daryo batareyalariga yaqin masofadan o'tdi.[65][66]

Daryo batareyalari

The London Humayta istehkomlarining batareyasi. Braziliya muhandislik korpusidan E.C. Jurdanning ushbu tasviri ramziy ma'noga ega bo'lsa-da, uni qismlarga bo'linish holatida ko'rsatadi. Darhaqiqat, uylar er bilan himoyalangan.[67]
Humayta qal'asining batareyalari Braziliyalik muhandislar korpusidan E.C. Jurdan (1871) ga ko'ra.

Bosqin kuchi, agar buriluvchi burilish atrofida aylanayotgan bo'lsa, sakkizta qattiq o'tishi kerak edi[68] batareyalar, barchasi[58] yong'inni qayta burilish burchagiga jamlashga qodir. Bundan tashqari, yuk tashish burilishga kelishdan oldin va undan keyin og'ir qurollar chegarasida bo'lgan.[69]

Batareyalar manbalarida har xil nomlangan va qurollarning soni doimiy bo'lmasligi mumkin.[70]

Dastlabki batareyalar

Avval bosqinchi kuch o'tishi kerak edi Humayta qayta boshlash, bitta 8 dyuymli (20 sm kalibrli) qurol bilan qurollangan.

Keyin u o'tishi kerak Itapiru (etti qurol); The Pesada [og'ir] (beshta qurol), barchasi qisman qayta tiklandi g'isht bilan; The Oktava yoki Madam Linch[71] (uchta qurol en barbette); The Koimbra (sakkizta qurol); va Takuarí (uchta qurol).[72]

Bateriya London

Keyinchalik, bosqinchi flotilla Bateriya Londresidan o'tishi kerak (chunki ularning aksariyati shunday nomlanadi teknikoslar Paragvayda Limehouse, London, J. & A. Blyth firmasi tomonidan yollangan).[73][74][75][76] Uning devorlari 8,2 metr (27 fut) qalinlikda edi. U g'isht kamarlari ustiga to'plangan er qatlamlari tomonidan bomba himoyasiga ega bo'lishi kerak edi va u erda ham bor edi xursandchilik 16 qurol uchun. "Bu portlardan", - dedi Berton, - sakkiztasi devor bilan o'ralgan va ustaxonaga aylantirilgan, chunki artilleriya ustalari soatlab qo'rqib, qulab tushishgan va qulab tushishgan.[72]

Bateriya Cadenas

Kulminatsiya chog'ida bosqinchi kuch Artilleriya kazarmasi tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlanadigan Bateria Cadenas (zanjirli akkumulyator zanjiri boomini himoya qilgan) bilan birga keladi.[72] Braziliya muhandislik korpusi tomonidan o'tkazilgan so'rov natijalariga ko'ra ushbu batareyada 18 ta qurol bor edi.[77]

Zanjirli boom

Daryo bo'yidagi portlash qurol-yarog 'ostida ushlab turishni maqsad qilgan, manbalarda turlicha tasvirlangan. Richard Berton[78] va qo'mondon Kennedi RN[79] Bir-biriga o'ralgan 7 ta zanjirni o'z ichiga olganligini aytdi, ulardan (Burton deb yozgan) eng kattasi 1,75 dyuymli diametrli bog'lanishga ega edi.[78] Bu tezda bajarildi shamol bankdan 100 metr narida joylashgan uy tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlanadi. Batareyaning kattaroqligi hali ham kattaroq edi kapstan.[72] Boshqa manbalar,[80] Jorj Tompson (Paragvay armiyasining amaldagi bosh muhandisi) uchta zanjir borligini yozgan, ulardan eng og'irlari 7,5 dyuymli zanjirlarga ega, barjalar va kanoatlar bilan ta'minlangan.[81]

Humaytani 1868 yil 29 iyuldagi Cordeiro Tres e Alvim tomonidan qo'lga kiritilgan ittifoqchi kuchlarning rasmiy xodimlarining xabar berishicha, daryoning ikkala qirg'og'ida suvga kirgandan keyin uchta bog'langan ettita zanjir bor edi. Ikkinchisini qisman katta suzuvchi temir qutilar ta'minlagan.[82]

Yondashuv

Humayta yondashuvi. Paragvay daryosi og'zidan Curuzu va Curupayti daryo akkumulyatorlariga qadar. Asosiy xarita Emilio Karlos Jurdan (1838-1900).

Hujayta Vuelta shahriga kelishdan oldin, bosqinchi eskadrilyasi Paragvay daryosining og'zidan o'tib, Paragvay aholisi joylashtira olgani kabi akkumulyator batareyalarini boshqarishi kerak edi. chap qirg'oq, ayniqsa Curuzu va Curupayty-da. Qurolsiz harbiy kemalar cho'ktirmasdan buni amalga oshirishi mumkinmi yoki yo'qmi, hech qachon aniqlanmagan; urush paytida qurolsiz yog'och idishlar Braziliya dengiz floti bunga urinmadi.[83]

Garchi temir bilan ishlangan kemalar ushbu daryo batareyalari tomonidan cho'ktirilmasligi kerak bo'lsa ham, ularning og'irligi va kattaligi Paragvay daryosining sayoz suvlarida suzib yurishni qiyinlashtirgan va ba'zan imkonsiz bo'lgan. Qirollik floti qo'mondoni Kennedi kuzatganidek:[84]

Paragvay daryosi suzishda hech qanday to'siqlarga duch kelmaydi, suvning ko'tarilishi [mavsumiy] bo'lishini kuzatish uchun asosiy nuqta; bu ba'zan uchga qadar o'zgarib turadi chuqurlik [5 1/2 metr] ... Paragvayda topraklama xavfini keltirib chiqaradigan xizmatchi ... [uning] tubi toshloqdir ... Paragvayning Tres-Bokasdagi kirish joyi 500 metr kenglikda va o'rta daryo o'n ikki metr chuqurlikda. Ko'pchilik o'n ikki va o'n uch metr suvni tortib olgan Braziliya flotining temir kiyimlari, bu oldinga siljish uchun, shuningdek, agar kerak bo'lsa, chekinish uchun bu davriy ko'tarilishga to'liq bog'liq edi. Korrientesga kelguniga qadar ularning qurollari va o'q-dorilar jo'natilmagan; chunki Parana turli qismlarda bir xil darajada sayoz ...

Tres-Bokas va Humayta oralig'idagi daryoning bu kichik qismidan ko'ra, oldinga siljish uchun dahshatli to'siqni tasavvur qilish qiyin. Suv sayoz va uning chuqurligida eng noaniq; kanaldagi burilishlar keskin va tez-tez bo'lib turadi va mavjud bo'lgan har bir nuqtada og'ir kalibrli qurollar bor edi ...

"Torpedolar"

Braziliya temir panjarasi Rio-de-Janeyro Curuzu oldida "torpedo" tomonidan cho'kib ketgan. Adolfo Metfessel (1836-1909) tomonidan rasm.
Paragvayning "torpedalari" va boshqa qurollar. Braziliyalik harbiy muhandis Konrado Jako de Nimeyerning (1831-1905) 1867 yilgi rasmidan. Ikkala suzuvchi va suv osti (bog'lab qo'yilgan) turlarining torpedolari tasvirlangan. Chap tomonda Paragvay qurol-yarog 'qurollari bor, ulardan Lopes cheklangan miqdordagi zahiraga ega edi.

Humaitaning eng xavfli tomoni temir panjaralarning bosqinchi kuchi uchun[85] artilleriya batareyalari emas, balki cheklangan, sayoz va xaritada chiqarilishi mumkin bo'lgan "torpedalar" edi[86] Paragvay daryosining oqimi.[87]

Ushbu torpedalar qo'lbola kontaktli minalar edi. Birinchisini "Yanki janob Krüger" o'ylab topgan.[88] Ular sink tsilindridan iborat edi[89] porox zaryadini o'z ichiga olgan.[90] Amaldagi eng katta 1500 funt (680 kilogramm) zaryad ishlatilgan va Argentinaning Korrientes shahridagi yigirma yigirma marta portlash sodir bo'lgan.[91] mil uzoqlikda.[92] Sigortalar Jorj Frederik Masterman tomonidan ishlab chiqilgan Paragvay armiyasi:[93] ular oltingugurt kislotasining shisha kapsulalari bo'lib, ularni og'ir narsaga urish natijasida kaliy xlorat / shakar aralashmasi yonadi.[94][93]

Ushbu qurilmalarning aksariyati ishlamay qolsa ham, muddatidan oldin,[95] biri 1000 tonnani cho'ktirdi Braziliya temir panjarasi Rio-de-Janeyro 155 kishini o'ldirish,[96] shuning uchun ularni jiddiy qabul qilish kerak edi. "Torpedo" dan beri (simulyatsiya qilingan)[97] yoki haqiqiy) deyarli har kecha chiqarildi,[98] Braziliya dengiz floti uch smenada eshkak eshish uchun patrul qayiqlariga ega bo'lishi kerak edi [99] suzuvchi torpedalarni aniqlashga harakat qilgan; agar shunday qilsalar, ular suzib yuruvchilarni uzun temir chiziqlar bilan bog'lashga urinishgan. Yozuv qo'mondoni Kennedi RN, "Bu katta xavfga ega bo'lgan xizmat edi".[100]

Paragvayliklar ko'rishlari va olib tashlashlari mumkin bo'lgan keng tarqalgan suzuvchi turlaridan tashqari, daryo bo'yiga bog'langan "torpedolarni" joylashtirdilar.[101] Bu kuchli psixologik to'siq edi.

Torpedalarni joylashtirish ham xavfli bo'lmagan. Krugerning o'limidan so'ng - uni torpedalaridan biri portlatdi[99] - ishni Angliyada shogirdlik xizmatida bo'lgan Paragvayning Ramos ismli kishisi o'z zimmasiga oldi. U xuddi shunday taqdirga duch keldi,[99] va asar Mixkoffskiy ismli polshalik qochoqqa berildi. Michkoffskiy torpedalarni to'rt o'g'il eshkak eshgan kanoeda daryoga tushirar edi. Bir kuni u chalg'itdi va bolalar torpedo bilan ittifoqchilarga qochib ketishdi: u hibsga olindi, safiga tushirildi va frontga jo'natildi va u erda tez orada o'ldirildi.[102] Paragvaylik g'avvos noma'lum, agar jasur bo'lsa, torpedani biriktirishga urindi Braziliya temir panjarasi Brasil qo'l bilan: bu uning g'ildirak zanjirlariga o'ralgan holda, g'arq bo'lganida topilganida aniqlandi.[103]

Paragvayliklar ataylab bo'sh joyni bog'lab qo'yishdi demijohn Braziliyada dengiz floti torpedalar holatini belgilab qo'ygan deb taxmin qilish uchun daryoda. Bu ularning suvlarida suzib yurishni sezilarli darajada istamasliklariga olib keldi.[97]

Quruqlikni himoya qilish; to'rtburchak

panorama
Humayta atrofi va quruqlikdan himoya qilish. Aslida, bu erning tabiiy hududi bosqinchi armiya uchun jismonan o'tib bo'lmaydigan botqoqlik edi. Ikkita tor jabhada harbiy kuchlar mustahkam erga siqib chiqarilishi mumkin edi:[104] 1. Curupaty-ga qo'nish orqali. Qal'aning janubidagi mamlakat (yashil rang bilan belgilangan) o'tloqlar edi,[50] va bosqinchi kuch kelib tushgan bo'lishi mumkin 1 Kurupati. Paragvayliklar buni oldindan bilishgan edi. Buni taqiqlash uchun ular ko'plab artilleriya qurollari va katta garnizon tomonidan himoya qilingan 8 millik xandaklar chizig'ini qurishdi. Bu to'rtburchak edi. Ushbu xaritada to'rtburchak qalin qora chiziqlar bilan belgilanadi.[105] To'rtburchakning boshqa nuqtalari: 2 Chichi. 3 Sos. 4 Paso Gomes. 5 Ángulo. 6 Espinillo. 7 Humayta istehkomlari. Shunga qaramay, paragvayliklar Curupaytyda xandaqni faqat o'z vaqtida qurib bitkazishdi. Ittifoqchilar darhol frontal hujumni boshladilar va azob chekishdi ularning urushdagi eng yomon mag'lubiyati. Lopeza shtab-kvartirasi bo'lgan Bosh shtab Paso-Puku; u boshqa muhim nuqtalarga o'tadigan telegraf liniyalariga ega edi. 2. Sharqdagi Qal'ani yaxshi aylanib o'tish orqali. Ittifoqchilar ko'plab sinovlardan, xatolardan va qon to'kishdan so'ng, Qal'aning sharqida qurigan loy qudug'i borligini aniqlashlari kerak edi. Ushbu yo'nalish bo'yicha asosiy joylar: a Tuyucué.[106] b San-Solano. v Arroyo Hondo oqimi bo'ylab. d Obella. e Tayí (Paragvay daryosiga qayta qo'shilish mumkin bo'lgan joyda). Ushbu yo'nalishga umuman borish uchun Paragvay daryosidan emas, balki o'ta janubdagi Parana daryosidan boshlash kerak edi. (Eslatma: "Asuncionga olib boradigan yuqori yo'l" afsonasi zamonaviy ma'noda yo'l borligini anglatmaydi, faqat bu yo'l printsipial jihatdan o'tib ketganligini anglatadi.) Boshqa muhim xususiyatlar. Da C Lopez dushmanni chalkashtirib yuborishdan boshqa harbiy maqsadga ega bo'lmagan Cierva redubtini qurdi. (Bu muhim bo'lishi kerak deb o'ylab, ular oxir-oqibat juda ko'p odam halok bo'lishgan.)[107] Da T daryoning Chako tomoniga qo'nish mumkin bo'lgan eng yaqin joy - Timbo edi. Bu erda Lopes 54 kilometr chuqur loydan ichkariga o'tadigan ta'minot yo'lini qurdi; uning mavqei chidab bo'lmaydigan bo'lganida, u kuchlari va artilleriyasining asosiy qismi bilan u erdan qochib ketgan. Shuningdek, Timbo'da u Humaytadagi daryo batareyalaridan ham ko'proq zarar etkazishi kerak bo'lgan qal'ani o'rnatdi. Xaritada belgilangan o'lchov 5 milya (5 km). (1869 yilda chizilgan asosiy xaritaning Vikipediya izohi[108] tomonidan Jorj Tompson (muhandis).

Paragvayliklar, shuningdek, Humayta quruqlik tomondan tortib olinishiga qarshi ehtiyot choralarini ko'rishgan. Uning katta qismi tabiiy ravishda himoyalangan karrizal,[109] botqoqlik yoki botqoqlik, yo'q joyda esa xandaqlarning mukammal tizimi qurilib, oxir-oqibat 13 km dan oshdi. palisadalar va chevaux-de-fríse muntazam ravishda,[110] to'rtburchak sifatida tanilgan (Kuadrilátero,[111][112] Poligono yoki Quadrilatero turli til manbalarida). Ushbu xandaklar batareyalarga kerakli joyga o'rnatildi. Xandaklar va tabiiy to'siqlar ushbu moddaning podpolkovnik tomonidan masshtabga tortilgan ushbu qismida ko'rsatilgan xaritada ko'rsatilgan. Jorj Tompson (muhandis) Paragvay armiyasining; u shaxsan erni batafsil trigonometrik tekshiruvdan o'tkazdi.[113] Xarita Bertonning ot ustida olib borgan tekshiruvi va unga podpolkovnik Chodasevich tomonidan berilgan raqamlar asosida batafsil og'zaki tavsifi bilan tasdiqlangan. Argentina armiyasi.[114]

Berton, tartib uchun kamida 10 ming kishilik garnizon zarurligini aytdi;[50] vaqtida Humaytani qamal qilish ittifoqchilarning bosh qo'mondoni 18000 va ehtimol 20000 kishi va daryo batareyalarini hisobga olmaganda 120 ta to'p borligini taxmin qildi.[115]

To'fondan himoya

Paragvay harbiy muhandisligi uchun mas'ul polkovnik Jorj Tompson To'rtburchakning bir qismini toshqinlardan himoya qilish uchun ajratilgan. To'rtburchak Paso Gomesda zaif nuqta yoki potentsial bosqin nuqtasiga ega edi (ispancha "paso" so'zi pasni bildiradi). 4 ushbu bo'limdagi xaritada. Ammo Estero Bellaco N ni to'sib qo'yish orqali.[116] da 3 "Qalin o'rmon" deb nomlangan zonaga kirib, u Paso Gomesdagi suv sathini 6 metrdan (2 metr) ko'proq ko'targan. Bundan tashqari, u a shlyuz eshigi. "Dushman kirsa va shoshilishga tayyorlansa ... darvoza ochilib, dahshatli suv toshqini ularning hammasini" karrizal "ga olib borishi kerak edi."[117]

Elektr telegrafiyasi

Mustahkamlashning so'nggi bosqichida elektr telegraf Humayta va to'rtburchakdagi nuqtalardan Lopesning Paso-Pukudagi shtab-kvartirasiga qadar chiziqlar tortilgan;[118] va unga darhol xabar berish mumkin edi Mors kodi - har qanday nuqtaga dushman hujumi. Jorj Tompson Guarani mahoratli telegrafchi bo'lganligini yozdi. "Telegraflar kun bo'yi ishladilar, diviziya qo'mondoni har kuni kichik narsalar to'g'risida xabar yuborishga majbur bo'ldi, chunki u kun bo'yi ushbu jo'natmalarni olgan". [119]

Bosh ofis

Lopesning uyini himoya qiluvchi tuproq ishlari; qo'riqchi minorasi. Kalit: A = shpallar yoki tuproq ishlari. B = Mangrullo yoki qo'riqchi minorasi. 1 = Prezidentning uyi. 2, 3 = uning oilasi. 4,5 = uning xizmatkorlari. Braziliyalik muhandislar korpusidan E. C. Jurdanning eskizi.
'Paso Puku. Zolim Lopesning shtab-kvartirasi. Uni ittifoqchilar olovidan himoya qilish uchun tuproq ishlari - hayotdan qilingan " . Argentinalik general va suv akvatori Xose Ignasio Garmendiya (1841-1925) tomonidan rasm (va sarlavha). (Qo'lga kiritilgan qo'riqchi minorasi ustida Argentina bayrog'i hilpiraydi.)

Lopes II o'zining shtab-kvartirasini to'rtburchakning burchaklaridan biri bo'lgan Paso Pucuda tashkil etdi (ushbu bo'limdagi xaritaga qarang). To'q sariq daraxtzorlar orasida uning ma'shuqasi Lopes yashaydigan uylar bor edi Eliza Linch va uning ishonchidan zavq olgan harbiy ofitserlar masalan. Generallar Barrios, Resvin va Bryugge; yepiskop Palacios,[120] Polkovnik Jorj Tompson bosh muhandis va doktor Styuart general-jarroh.[121] Uylar oddiy edi ranchos Somonli tomlar bilan (qattiq uylar). Ittifoqchi artilleriyadan himoyalangan katta shpallar yoki tuproq ishlarining to'rtburchagi uning uyi, xonim Linch va uning xizmatchilarining uyini yoqib yuboradi. Ushbu tuproq ishlari qilingan gazlangan gazlar va eng kattasida 422,080 dona borligi aytilgan.[120] To'rtburchakning markazida a mangrullo yoki qo'riqchi minorasi.[122][123][120] Bertonning so'zlariga ko'ra mangrulloniki zinapoyalar terilar va matlar bilan o'ralgan edi, bu "kichkina oyoq Bilagi zo'rlikni yashirishga qaratilgan g'ayrioddiy ehtiyot chorasi", chunki uni xonim Linch ishlatgan;[120] va, albatta, Braziliya muhandislik korpusining bir vaqtning o'zida chizilgan rasmlari Paragvay uchun odatiy bo'lmagan holda, a mangrullo yopiq ko'tarilish bilan.[122][124]

Humayta va Paso-Puku o'rtasida Paso-Pukuning o'zida dala ofitserlari uchun katta harbiy kasalxona tashkil etilgan.[125] Paso-Pukuda lagerga ergashadigan ayollar uchun ikkita turar joy bor edi; ular kasalxonalarda yordam berdilar va askarlarning kiyimlarini yuvdilar. Ularga ratsion bermasliklari va askarlar ularga bergan mol go'shti bilan yashashgan.[126] Bor edi qabriston,[127] va harbiy asirlarning yashash joyi.[128][129]

Paragvay harbiy gazetasining boshlig'i Kabichu qal'a majmuasida nashr etilgan. Bulut cabichuís (mahalliy zaharli eshaklar) afro-braziliyalikka hujum qiladi.

Gazetalar

Bosh shtabda harbiy gazetalar chiqarildi Kabichu (asosan ispan tilida)[130] va Cacique Lambaré (asosan Guaranida). Ular qo'pol, ammo samarali targ'ibotni namoyish etishdi yog‘och o‘ymakorligi, ko'pincha irqiy haqoratli xarakterga ega.[131] Qog'oz etishmayotgan edi, ammo ersatz versiyasi improvizatsiya qilingan karaguata (yovvoyi ananas).[132]

Xaritasiz relyef

Kuzatuv balonidan Humayta qal'asini qushlarning qarashlari. (Harperning haftalik: tsivilizatsiya jurnali, 1868.[133]). Zanjirli boom at belgilanadi 1; at Curupaity-ning ishi 5.

Paragvayliklar er bilan tanish bo'lgan bo'lsa-da, ittifoqchilar uchun bu hududning xaritalari yo'q edi.[134][135][136][137] Viloyat viloyatida joylashgan Éemucú, bu tekis, pasttekislik va botqoq bilan yashiringan karrizal. Masalan, Paragvay janubidagi Tuyutida o'zlarining asosiy lagerlarini tashkil qilganlarida, ittifoqchilar uni to'rtburchakning janubi-g'arbiy qismida joylashgan sous xandagiga joylashtirganliklarini anglamadilar.[138] Ular Humaytani to'rtburchak tomonidan himoya qilinishini ham bilishmagan: Paragvay urushi haqidagi 5 jildlik ishida braziliyalik tarixchi Tasso Fragoso braziliyalik 1867 yil aprel oyidagi yuqori qo'mondonlik xati deb ta'kidlamoqda

ittifoqchilar nafaqat erning relefidan [qal'aning janubi-sharqidan] to'liq bexabar ekanliklariga, balki ularning hammasi [Paragvay] yo'laklari bilan himoyalanganligiga zarracha shubha qoldirmaydi.[139]

Paragvay askarlari oylik Braziliya kuzatuv balonida. Paragvay hukumati gazetasida targ'ibot multfilmi El Centinela, 1867 yil 8-avgust.

Asta-sekin xaritani tuzish uchun ittifoqchilar murojaat qilishlari shart edi mangrullos (qo'lda qilingan soat minoralari)[140][119] yoki (Janubiy Amerika urushidagi birinchi) asirga olingan kuzatish sharlari,[141]}[142]} lekin Paragvay orollari nam o'tlarning o'tlarini yoqib yerni yashirgan.[143][144][145]

Chako tomoni

Paragvay daryosining qarama-qarshi qirg'og'ida "deb nomlangan maydon boshlanadi Gran Chako, boshqacha, issiq, yarim quruq iqlim bilan. Chakoning bu qismida, hozirda Argentinaning bir qismi, ammo o'sha kunlarda bahsli bo'lgan joyda, shafqatsizlardan boshqa hech kim yashamagan. Toba ko'chmanchilari.[146] Paragvay daryosining Chako qirg'og'i past va toshqin ostida qolishi mumkin. Humayta oldida er daryo baland bo'lganida, butunlay suv ostida bo'lgan Timbo'ga qadar juda imkonsiz edi.[147] (Keyinchalik harbiy yo'llar u erdan katta kuch sarflab qilingan).

Keyinchalik urushda, ittifoqchilar Humaytaning janubi-sharqida yonboshlash harakatini boshlaganlarida, Lopes yubordi va Chakoni o'rganib chiqdi va Timbodan Chako orqali yo'l qurishni buyurdi (Humayta qirg'og'idagi qo'nish joyi bo'lgan eng yaqin joy). amalga oshirilishi mumkin).

Chakodan o'tgan yo'l toqatli to'g'ri va ellik to'rt mil uzunlikda edi. U Paragvay daryosi oqimiga ergashmadi, balki ichkariga kirib ketdi. Yo'lning katta qismi chuqur loydan o'tdi va beshta chuqur oqimni kesib o'tish kerak edi Bermexo daryosi.[148]

O'zining mavqeini umidvor deb bilganidan so'ng, Lopes bu yo'ldan Humaytadan o'z qo'shinlari va artilleriyasining asosiy qismi bilan qochish uchun foydalangan. Ularni Gumaytadan Timboga Paragvayiyaning ikkita eshkakli paroxoti va kanoeda olib ketishdi.[149]

Strategik ahamiyat va idrok

Hech bo'lmaganda temir bilan qoplangan[65] harbiy kemalar, Humaitá erishib bo'lmaydigan obro'ga ega edi,[150] va u mashhur bo'lib qoldi "Sebastopol Janubiy Amerika. "[67][151][152] Urush paytida Evropa matbuoti uni Richmond[153] va Viksburg[153] ning Amerika fuqarolar urushi. Shuningdek, u Evropada va AQShda Janubiy Amerikaning Gibraltar nomi bilan mashhur bo'lgan.[154][155][153]

Maykl Mulxoll, muharriri Buenos Ayres Standard, 1863 yilda saytdan o'tib, dunyoga quyidagi so'zlar bilan xabar bergan:[65][156]

Dahshatli akkumulyatorlarning ketma-ketligi, biz ularning oralig'idan o'tayotganda bizni burishtirdik ... [A] yangi idish, agar temir bilan qoplanmagan bo'lsa, o'tishni majburan bajarishga urinish, ushbu istehkomning tirnoqli va zich yong'inida cho'ktirilishi kerak, bu esa Paragvay va yuqori daryolar.

Lopes I Humaytani qurganida barcha harbiy kemalar yog'ochdan yasalgan va paroxodlar asosan eshkak bilan boshqarilardi.[157] Paragvayga borishni xohlasa, yog'ochdan yasalgan paroxodlar batareyalar ketma-ketligidan o'tib ketishi kerak edi - bu masofa 200 metr (660 fut) yoki undan kam bo'lgan masofa.[158] - va qandaydir tarzda o'ralgan holda zanjirning bumini kesib tashladi: bu imkonsiz bo'lib tuyuldi.[65]

Humaytadan o'tmasdan armiya Paragvayga bostirib kirishi mumkin bo'lgan bo'lsa-da, har qanday bunday urinish muammoli bo'lar edi. Yagona amaliy alternativ yo'l - general Belgrano 1811 yilda Paragvayga muvaffaqiyatsiz bostirib kirganida foydalangan - Yuqori Parana orqali o'tib, shimoldan qiyin mamlakat orqali. Villa Rika. Ushbu muqobil yo'l 1865 yilda ittifoqchilar tomonidan ko'rib chiqilgan, ammo juda qiyin deb rad etilgan.[4][159][160]

Professor Uighamning zamonaviy qadri:[67]

As a strategic site, Humaitá was without equal in the region, for enemy ships could not ascend the Paraguay [river] without passing under its guns. It was also exceptionally well protected on the south and east by marshes and lagoons. The few dry areas leading to it could be reinforced with troops in such a way as to frustrate any attack.

Whigham said it was "a fortress the likes of which had never been seen in South America".[161]

For Professor Francisco Doratioto, Humaitá (and environs) was the principal theatre of operations of the Paraguayan war.[162]

Zaif tomonlari

"After a stare of blank amazement, my first question was— where is Humaitá? Where are the "regular polygons of the Humaitá citadel?" Where is "the great stronghold which was looked upon as the keystone of Paraguay?" I had seen it compared with Silistriya va Kars, where even Turks fought; bilan Sebastopol in her strength …; bilan To'rtburchak which awed Italy; bilan Lyuksemburg, dear to France; bilan Richmond, that so long held the Northerners at bay; and with the armour-plated batteries of Viksburg and the shielded defences of Gibraltar. Can these poor barbettes, this entrenched camp sans citadel— which the Brazilian papers had reported to have been blown up —be the same that resisted 40,000 men, not to speak of ironclads and gunboats, and that endured a siege of two years and a half? I came to the conclusion that Humaitá was a monstrous "hum"[163] and that, with the rest of the public, I had been led into believing the weakest point of the Paraguayan campaign to be the strongest." Burton, Paragvay jang maydonlaridan xatlar.[153]

In fact, Humaitá was not invulnerable,[67] at any rate after a sufficient supply of river-navigating temir temir warships became available in South America. Indeed Burton, having inspected the captured site, thought that its potency had been greatly exaggerated – to the point that it was a bluff.[153] The commander of the Portuguese war vessel Zarco, also there at the time, wondered how Humaitá could have humbled a powerful navy for so long.[164]

Defective weaponry

The last remaining Paraguayan artillery pieces at Humaitá collected for distribution between the Allies as war booty. "There were sundry old tubes bearing the arms of Spain; two hailed from Seville, the San Gabriel (A.D. 1671) and the San Juan de Dios (1684)".[165]

Although Paraguay could and did manufacture large artillery guns, there was nevertheless a shortage—partly because guns had to be taken to reinforce the landward artillery – [144] and not all of the guns at Humaitá were of acceptable standard. When Burton inspected them (August 1868) he noted that many had been thrown into deep water but the remainder were poor:[165]

The guns barely deserve the name; some of them were so honeycombed that they must have been used as street posts...[166] Not the worst of them were made at Asunción or Ibicuy, whose furnaces and air chimneys could melt four tons per diem. Some had been converted, but it was a mere patchwork. A few rifled 12-pounders had been cast at Asunción. There were sundry old tubes bearing the arms of Spain; two hailed from Seville, the San-Gabriel (A.D. 1671) and the San-Xuan-de-Dios (1684).

However, Burton may well have been underestimating the Paraguayan artillery at its zenith: according to both Thompson and Jourdan, some guns had already been evacuated to the Chaco side by the Paraguayans when abandoning the fortress.[167][168] Qurolli qayiq HMS Dotterel, while anchored at Humaitá for three hours in June 1865, from the river counted 116 guns, a number far greater than was recorded by Burton or Jourdan when inspecting the captured fortress.[169]

Defective fortifications

According to Burton [170] the system of fortification lacked the latest developments, mostly using the obsolete en barbette system which failed to protect the defending artillerymen. The consequence:

Thus the works were utterly unfit to resist the developed powers of rifled artillery, the concentrated discharge from shipping, and even the accurate and searching fire of the Spenser karbini. The Londres work, besides being in a state of decay, was an exposed mass of masonry which ought to have shared the fate of forts from Sumpter ga Pulaski, and when granite fails bricks cannot hope to succeed. Had the guns been mounted in Monitor towers,[171] or even protected by sand-bags, the ironclads would have suffered much more than they did in running past them.

Other observers formed similar impressions. Thompson wrote that it should have been easy for the Brazilian flotilla firing uzum va quti to "sweep the Paraguayans away from their guns"".[88] Britaniyaning HMS qurolli qayig'i Doterel,[172] which had passed the site in 1865[173] (long before it was damaged in the war) likewise thought the artillerymen were far too exposed,[174][175] Wrote a British diplomat aboard Doterel:

We counted 116 pieces of cannon, heavy and light, but all of these pieces, with the exception of one heavy battery of 16 guns [the Londres], are en barbette, and the crews of the guns are utterly unprotected from shell, canister, or rifle bullets. As regards the heavy 16-gun casemated battery, the embrasures appear to be wrongly constructed, according to modern ideas on such subjects, the large aperture of the embrasure facing the enemy, and becoming an excellent target for riflemen, almost all of whose bullets must tell on the crew of the gun within.[176]

Eskirganlik

USSMonitor, the first monitor (1861).

López I fortified Humaitá in the era of the wooden paddle-steamer warship. Gloir, birinchi temirdan yasalgan harbiy kema was not launched until 1859 and that was in France,[157] intended for a ko'k-dengiz floti;[177] and no battles between European ironclads had actually happened.

However, the evolution of the navies in the Amerika fuqarolar urushi (1861–65) had fulfilled a demand for heavily armoured vessels that could navigate in river waters. The Xempton yo'llari jangi, in which iron-armoured Union and Confederate warships were unable to sink each other, dramatically demonstrated their resistance to heavy artillery. News of this naval engagement arrived in the River Plate on 14 May 1862 and was reported in the Buenos Aires Standart in these terms:[178]

The two steel vessels commenced a cannonade a mile apart, without doing any damage on either side. In less than an hour and a half they were alongside, and then raged so terrible an encounter that both vessels were enveloped in smoke. Two balls from the Monitor entered her adversary's cuirass; as soon as the wind cleared away the smoke the Monitor was seen running round Merrimac, looking for a vulnerable point, the vessels being about 35 yards apart ...

The Merrimac drove her spur against the Monitor, which received the awful shock motionless and unhurt. Now they were so close that the guns fired into each others' mouths: at length the Confederate got a wound which made her hail the others to tow her into Norfolk. After so terrible a conflict for several hours against heavy artillery, the Monitor showed only a few dinges and scratches. The Merrimacniki spur scarcely marked her side.

The superiority so established of steel-clad vessels has caused an immense sensation in America ...

The American sea-fight caused great excitement in England, since it was feared that the new invention would rob that country of naval supremacy. Wooden men of war were declared, in the House of Commons, to be useless, and the Admiralty had stopped all the fortifications and arsenals, to devote all attention to the construction of a steel fleet 35 in number.

Apart from the more conventional ironclads, which the Brazilian navy could order from Britain or France,[179] as noted the Americans[180] had invented the monitor, an armoured, shallow draft, turreted vessel that presented little superstructure to enemy fire; monitors could be and were[181][182] built in Brazil. Thus by the time Lopez II fired the first shots against Brazil (December 1864) the Humaitá defences were obsolescent to the latest naval weaponry that could be manufactured or purchased. Brazil was an enormous country and after the war broke out it could have (and soon did have) at least 10 ironclads.[183]

That said, an ironclad naval force, by itself, was unlikely to pose a strategic threat to the Paraguayan nation. For assuming the latest ironclads could get past Humaitá – which they eventually did – it did not follow that unarmoured qo'shinlar shunday qilishi mumkin edi. Without the logistical support of an invading army, ironclads could not have operated far ahead of their lines of supply,[184] except temporarily.[185]

Lack of tautness in the chain boom

Chain boom. Thompson was critical of the design of the chain boom at Humaitá. At Fortín he designed this chain boom made of timbo logs joined endwise by iron shackles. Since it floated underwater it could not be sunk by naval gunfire.

Even heavily armoured vessels might have been impeded by the chain boom, but it turned out to have an Axilles to'pig'i: it could not be drawn tight enough without intermediate floating supports – and these might be sunk by naval gunfire.

Burton's description[72] of the chain boom was:

The chain, which consisted of seven twisted together, passed diagonally through a kind of brick tunnel. On this side [of the River Paraguay] it was made fast to a windlass supported by a house about 100 yards from the bank. Nearer the battery stood a still larger capstan: the latter, however, wanted force to haul tight the chain.[186]

This was so provided an enemy destroyed the chain's intermediate floating supports; for as explained by Thompson,[187] the chains were

supported on a number of canoes, and on three pontoons.[188] The [Brazilian] ironclads fired for three months at these pontoons and canoes, sinking all of them, when, of course, the chain went to the bottom, as the river there is about 700 yards wide, and the chain could not be drawn tight without intermediate supports. The chain was thus buried some two feet under the mud of the river, offering no obstacle whatever to the navigation.

Supplying the garrison

Because the marshlands were not ideal for the raising of cattle or the cultivation of maniok yoki makkajo'xori, and because the Quadrilateral required a large garrison, food for Humaitá needed to be brought in from elsewhere. However, it was a very difficult position to supply.[30]

Cut off by swamps, there was no easy overland communication with the nearest food-producing regions. There was a coastal road, but it was poor, unfitted for oxcarts yoki cattle droves during the winter floods. During the War there was a shortage of steam vessels; small river craft were difficult to land in winter.[189] "Paraguay never resolved these transportation difficulties during the siege of Humaitá, and the army suffered the consequences", observed Professor Cooney.[190]

Even so, Humaitá withstood a siege of more than two years.[191]

Kutilmagan oqibatlar

Francisco Solano López ("López II"), and his autograph.

The Humaitá system was built to increase the security of Paraguay, but its strength, real or perceived, may have had the opposite effect in the end.

Provocation of Brazil

For Brazil, the fortifications posed a potential threat to its own security and caused it to make some preparations for war. As noted by Lt Colonel George Thompson of the Paraguayan army:[13]

These batteries commanded the whole bend of the river, and Paraguay made all vessels anchor and ask permission before they could pass up the river. As this was the only practicable road which Brazil had to her province of Matto-Grosso [sic],[192] she naturally disapproved of her stoppage of the river, and gradually accumulated large military stores in Matto-Grosso, with the view, no doubt, of some day destroying Humaitá.

Inducing overconfidence

"Directly on my arrival into the camp I was shown into the presence of his Excellency... I expressed my surprise at... his government... detaining the Marques de Olinda. * * *He then went on with more candor than discretion to say that the situation of Paraguay was such that only by a war could the attention and respect of the world be secured to her. Isolated as she was, and scarcely known beyond the South American states, so would she remain till by her feats of arms she could compel other nations to treat her with more consideration. Paraguay was a small power, he admitted, in comparison with Brazil; but she had advantages of position that gave her an equality of strength with any of her neighbours. Every soldier that Brazil might send against Paraguay must be brought thousand[193] of miles and at great expense; whereas the Paraguayan troops were on their own territory, and their services would cost comparatively nothing. Besides they would be already fortified and intrenched before the Brazilians could arrive in any considerable numbers, and then, having shown the world their strength, and demonstrated to Brazil that they were not to be conquered except at ruinous cost and sacrifice, the Imperial government would be glad to treat for peace on terms highly advantageous to Paraguay.... The war could not last but for a few months.... " Charles A. Washburn, Minister Resident of the United States at Asunción 1861–68.[194]

For Leslie Bethell, López overestimated Paraguay's military power, which induced him to behave recklessly.[195] According to Professor Bethell:

Solano López's decision to declare war first on Brazil and then on Argentina, and to invade both their territories, proved a serious miscalculation, and one that was to have tragic consequences for the Paraguayan people. At the very least Solano López made an enormous gamble – and lost.... Thus Solano López's reckless actions brought about the very thing that most threatened the security, even the existence, of his country: a union of his two powerful neighbours....

For John Hoyt Williams, Humaitá was instrumental in generating the risk-taking behaviour:[196]

The hundreds of heavy calibre guns mounted at Humaitá and elsewhere, the modern navy, railroad, telegraph, and munitions manufacturing establishments – all helped to bring about the horrendous War of the Triple Alliance and their own destruction by providing the hardware with which Francisco Solano López could become the Mariscal and self-appointed arbiter of the Río de la Plata.

Va:[197]

Even El Mariscal would not have dared to do more than to defend his immediate borders had not his military materiel [Williams expressly specifies Humaitá] encouraged him to redefine those borders and play the wider and infinitely more dangerous role of fulcrum in the balance of power.

After the passage of Humaitá, the Buenos Ayres Standard yozgan:

None who have ever seen the place have questioned its strength. Old President López had such implicit faith in its impregnability that he believed if even a Xerxes attacked Paraguay he could not get past Humaitá. The same implicit confidence in its strength was inculcated in the minds of the Paraguayan people. Their watchword was 'Humaitá', and possibly to the exaggerated idea of its strength by the present López may be traced the grave political error which step by step led this unfortunate man from the cautious policy of his father to become the great champion of River Plate equilibrium.[198]

Alternative view

A possible alternative view is that López was aware that developments in naval warfare were making Humaitá obsolescent and so decided to take the offensive before Paraguay lost the balance of advantage altogether.[199] Paraguay's chief engineer, the talented William Keld Whytehead,[200] cannot have failed to become aware of the advantages of ironclad vessels and it is on record that in 1863 he obtained a British patent for an iron-cladded vessel.[201] Indeed, López himself only eight months after the Battle of Hampton Roads was pressing the American ambassador in Asunción to procure a monitor for him;[202] and Paraguay placed orders for several ironclads to be built in European or Brazilian yards before the War.[203][204][202] Further support for this view is afforded by López's hesitation in seizing the Marques de Olinda.[205] According to Thompson:[206]

Passage of Humaitá by an armoured squadron of the Brazilian navy. Engraving by Blanchard of a sketch by Xose Paranhos, (1819–1880), Brazil's Foreign Minister. In a propaganda coup, Paranhos drew this sketch from his imagination and sent it to the French magazine Il'ustration, Journal Universel,[207] predicting the war would be over in a month.

López was at Cerro Leon at the time [when the Marques de Olinda arrived at Asunción], and hesitated for a whole day whether he should break the peace or not.... [H]e knew he could assemble every man in the country immediately and raise a large army; he knew also that the Brazilians would be a long time recruiting to get a large force together, and he did not think they would wish to carry on a war for long. U aytdi, 'If we don't have a war now with Brazil, we shall have one at a less convenient time for ourselves.' He therefore sent... the 'Tacuarí' (the fastest steamer on the River Plate)... to bring her back to Asunción.

As against that, none of the sources cited in the article establish why López declared war without waiting for his ironclads to be completed and delivered. According to Burton, "it was the general opinion" that with a single ironclad at their disposal the Paraguayans "would have cleared the river".[208] He went further:

The war, indeed, was altogether premature: had the quritilgan kemalar va Uitvorts ordered by the Marshal-President begun the campaign, he might now have supplied the place of Mexico with a third great Latin empire.[61]

Instead, at an early stage of the war Paraguay's wooden vessels, only one[209] of which had been built as a warship, were defeated by a Brazilian wooden flotilla[210] da Riachuelo jangi and so the River Paraguay was blockaded by the Brazilian navy, and the armoured ships that he had ordered could neither be delivered nor paid for. Brazil negotiated with the shipbuilders to transfer and complete the work-in-progress[211][204] and eventually used the same ironclads to defeat Humaitá.

Upshot

A traditional view is that after the death of the cautious López I, his son paid not enough attention to his father's dying words: to try to settle disputes with Brazil with the pen, not the sword.[212] He was induced by the Uruguayan government to intervene in the Urugvay urushi,[213][6][214][215] which he did on 13 November 1864 by firing across the bows of and seizing the Brazilian government[216] jo'natish Marques de Olinda as she was proceeding upriver on her monthly voyage to the Mato Grosso;[205] he proceeded to seize the Mato Grosso itself.[217] According to the American ambassador to Paraguay, Charles A. Washburn, Lopez explained his seizure of the Brazilian ship by saying "with more candor than discretion" that only by a war could the attention and respect of the world be secured to Paraguay; that although Paraguay was a small power in comparison with Brazil, it had "advantages of position" that gave her an equality of strength; and that the Paraguayan troops would be already "fortified and intrenched" before the Brazilians could arrive in any considerable numbers.[218]

Encouraged by the sluggish response of Brazil, infuriated by the mockery of the Buenos Aires press,[219] and impatient at Argentina's refusal to permit him to invade a further Brazilian province[220] through sovereign Argentine territory,[221] on 13 April 1865, López fired upon and seized two small Argentine naval vessels moored in the port of Korrientes and proceeded to take the Argentine province of that name[222] and to make Paraguayan paper currency compulsory on pain of death.[223] The resulting War of the Triple Alliance was to destroy his country.

Uchlik Ittifoqi shartnomasi

The Treaty of the Triple Alliance against Paraguay was signed 1 May 1865 and specifically stated that Humaitá must be destroyed and never rebuilt.[224] Article 18 provided that the terms of the treaty should be kept secret until its "principal objective" had been attained; Consul Thomas Hutchinson thought that referred not to the deposition of López but to the demolition of Humaitá.[225] Numerous political objectives are expressly mentioned in the treaty but no other military ones.

On the same day, the Allied High Command agreed a strategic plan, the first point of which read:

The objective of the campaign operations − to which [barchasi] military operations and [invasion] routes must be subordinated − should be the position of Humaitá.[226][227]

And:-

The distance from Paso de Patria[228] [the invasion point] to Humaitá is only seven leagues[229] by land, and whatever be the difficulties of the terrain, the short distance, time and the ability to hit the enemy with the ironclads will compensate for it.[230][231]

Effectiveness in practice

Despite Burton's strictures[232] the Fortress of Humaitá was a serious obstacle to the Allies’ plans to proceed upriver. On it being announced in Buenos Aires[233] that Paraguay had fired upon and seized the Argentine naval vessels, President Mitre told a furious crowd that:[234]

In twenty-four hours we shall be in the barracks, in a fortnight at Corrientes, and in three months at Asunción.

In fact, the Allies did not occupy the Paraguayan capital until 5 January 1869,[235] nearly four years after Mitre's speech. Asosiy[236] reason was the Humaitá complex.

It may have been "only seven leagues by land" from Paso de Patria to Humaitá, but it was land that it necessary to traverse. After expelling the Paraguayans from Argentine soil the Allies landed in Paraguay and occupied Paso de Patria on 23 April 1866.[237] They did not capture Humaitá until 5 August 1868.[238] The Humaitá phase of the Paraguayan war is outside the scope of this Article. However, B.C. MacDermot[239] thus summarised the difficulties:

[T]he terrain conferred a huge advantage on the defence. Below and around Humaitá was a conglomeration of lagoons, marshes and patches of jungle connected by narrow strips of terra firma which the attacking side had to squeeze through on a narrow front... [A]t only two points was an advance inland possible: at Curupayty to the south and Tayí to the north of Humaitá. Behind the natural defences lay the earthworks of Humaitá, with its long outer perimeter touching on Curupaty, and a smaller fort Timbó on the Chaco side of the river. To add to their difficulties the allies found that the ironclads were not as effective as their reputation had led them to hope. They could not move far ahead of their lines of supply. The Paraguayan artillery could not sink them but it could disable them enough to put them out of action. Below the waterline they were exposed to mines and torpedoes. They could be stopped by underwater obstructions and booms. Their ability to manoeuvre depended excessively on the level of the river, which between September and March could fall as much as fourteen feet, restricting the navigable channels and increasing the perils from obstructions or sandbanks.

These difficulties are almost sufficient to account for the failure of the allies to bring about the quick decision that their overwhelming superiority in numbers and armament entitled them to hope for, but they were also handicapped by divided leadership, national jealousies and as time went on a sinking morale. For the Paraguayans these were the years in which the National Epic, as it is to-day called, was forged out of countless deeds of heroism performed under leaders whose names are known in every home.[184]

An additional cause of delay, according to Professor Williams, was the long pause after the debacle of the Curupayty jangi when the Allies overestimated the strength both of the opposing army and of Humaitá: they allowed López almost a year to rebuild his forces, devastated at the Tuyuti jangi.[240]

Endgame

A Brazilian flag flies over the watchtower of captured Humaitá. On the right a Brazilian ironclad is moored to the river bank. (From a soldier's photographic album preserved at the National Library of Brazil.)
The endgame: the Allies close round Humaitá. It took the Allies more than two years to go the "seven leagues" from the invasion point at 1 to the fall of the fortress at 2. Note the scale on the map is only 10 miles. (Base map sketched by Commander A.J. Kennedy, R.N.)

On 19 February 1868[241] when the river was unusually high[60] six Brazilian ironclad vessels were ordered to dash past Humaitá during the hours of darkness, which they did with no great difficulty[242] because by then the chain boom was anyway lying in the river bed.[243] The Paraguayans stopped resupplying Humaitá by river and it was starved out. The fortress was finally captured in the Humaytani qamal qilish, an operation that culminated on 5 August 1868.[241] It was razed pursuant to the Treaty of the Triple Alliance. It was the decisive year of the Paraguayan War.[244]

Adabiyotda

The second volume of the Argentine novelist Manuel Galvez trilogiya Escenas de la Guerra del Paraguay is set in the Fortress of Humaitá.[245]

Shuningdek qarang

Izohlar

  1. ^ Schneider 1872.
  2. ^ Tompson 1869, p. 214.
  3. ^ The map was published in Thompson, 1879, Plate VIII.
  4. ^ a b Berton 1870, p. 296.
  5. ^ Before the War Brazil's population was about 10 million; Argentina's, about 1.5 million; Paraguay's, possibly 300–400,000: Bethell, 6.
  6. ^ a b Bethell 1996, p. 3.
  7. ^ Francis 2006, p. 130.
  8. ^ Bakewell 2010, p. 427.
  9. ^ Sarreal 2014, p. 32.
  10. ^ Uilyams 1980 yil, pp. 17-40.
  11. ^ Whigham 2002, 14-17 betlar.
  12. ^ So much so, that until 1910 (when a railway link was constructed between San-Paulu va Kuyaba, capital of the Mato Grosso), the long sea and river journey through the South Atlantic ocean, the Paraná and the Paraguay was the shortest practical route to the territory: Doratioto, 26.
  13. ^ a b v Tompson 1869, p. 16.
  14. ^ Whigham 2002, pp. 78–92.
  15. ^ It also claimed Patagonia, Tierra del Fuego and the Falkland Islands (Malvinas).
  16. ^ a b Uilyams 1972 yil, p. 343.
  17. ^ Whigham 2004, p. 187.
  18. ^ Whigham 2002, 30-31 betlar.
  19. ^ Williams 1977, p. 234.
  20. ^ Whigham 2002, pp. 93–117.
  21. ^ Tompson 1869, 4-5 bet.
  22. ^ Washburn 1871a, 267–269 betlar.
  23. ^ Whigham 2002, pp. 36–41.
  24. ^ For example, Thompson.
  25. ^ Whigham 2002, 68-69 betlar.
  26. ^ Tompson 1869, 10-11 betlar.
  27. ^ Williams, 1971, chs. 6-7.
  28. ^ Plá 1970.
  29. ^ a b Plá 1976.
  30. ^ a b Cooney 2004, p. 38.
  31. ^ Sailing vessels could take 6 months to sail from Buenos Aires to Humaitá: Burton, 295
  32. ^ Doratioto 2008 yil, p. 32.
  33. ^ Washburn 1871a, pp. 364–376.
  34. ^ Williams,1979, ch 10.
  35. ^ Tompson 1869, p. 12.
  36. ^ a b v Page 1859, p. 109.
  37. ^ Washburn 1871a, pp. 472-473.
  38. ^ Washburn 1871a, p. 476.
  39. ^ Washburn 1871a, p. 471.
  40. ^ Washburn 1871a, p. 417.
  41. ^ Benit 1904 yil, pp. 23–28.
  42. ^ Berton 1870, p. 63.
  43. ^ Uilyams 1979 yil, p. 159.
  44. ^ Jaceguay va De Oliveira 1900, p. 71.
  45. ^ Warships at that time were always of wood.
  46. ^ Benit 1904 yil, pp. 24–28.
  47. ^ Komandiri USS Waterwitch, which vessel explored the region in the 1850s.
  48. ^ Benites' version was not published until 1904; Page's version was published in 1859.
  49. ^ Wrote Page: "The river defense [Humaitá] was pushed on with great rapidity, and is of such strength that I believe it might have arrested the ascent of the squadron... The expedition was at that time a failure".
  50. ^ a b v d Berton 1870, p. 315.
  51. ^ Williams 1977, p. 237.
  52. ^ Denison 1862, p. 333.
  53. ^ Denison 1862, p. 332.
  54. ^ Williams 1977, pp. 238-243.
  55. ^ The cartographic section of the British Library has a copy of this map, published in Paris in 1868. The attribution (under identifier LL01004860890 in the main catalogue) is: "Plan du Passage fortifié d'Humaita. Levé en Mars 1857 ... par M.E. Mouchez."
  56. ^ El Semanario, 11 April 1857, pp.3-4.
  57. ^ Warren, 1985.
  58. ^ a b Tompson 1869, p. 221.
  59. ^ Humaitá bend.
  60. ^ a b Berton 1870, p. 332.
  61. ^ a b Berton 1870, p. 313.
  62. ^ Tompson 1869, pp. 151, 165.
  63. ^ According to Artur Silveira da Mota, (Baron Jaceguai, commander of the Brazilian ironclad Barroso, who tried it), cited in Tasso Fragoso III, 409. (Wikipedia translation.)
  64. ^ Berton 1870, 314-315 betlar.
  65. ^ a b v d Mulhall 1864, p. 84.
  66. ^ Berton 1870, 85-6 betlar.
  67. ^ a b v d Whigham 2002, p. 185.
  68. ^ There were also moveable batteries, e.g. the Bateria Carbone which was trained on the coal bunkers.
  69. ^ Tasso Fragoso 1956b, p. 409.
  70. ^ In the ensuing description the naming of the batteries follows Burton, 1870, who visited the site in 1868 while the Allies were still dismantling the batteries, and whose principal informants were the Brazilian military. A different naming convention is available in Nakayama & Nakayama, 2013 and the map by E.C. Jourdan reproduced in this section of this Article..
  71. ^ Eliza Lynch was López II's mistress.
  72. ^ a b v d e Berton 1870, p. 319.
  73. ^ Kennedi 1869 yil, p. 105.
  74. ^ Plá, 1970, 349-351, 358, 363, 373, 377, 381.
  75. ^ Washburn 1871a, p. 473.
  76. ^ Whigham 2002, 178, 181-betlar.
  77. ^ Jourdan (atlas), map 12, reference P.
  78. ^ a b Berton 1870, 319, 332-betlar.
  79. ^ Kennedi 1869 yil, p. 160.
  80. ^ Including Masterman, 139, and Schneider, 1902, II, 115.
  81. ^ Thompson, 239.
  82. ^ Tasso Fragoso 1956b, p. 411.
  83. ^ To deter wooden vessels, the battery installation at Curupayty included a furnace for producing red hot cannonballs. It was never used because the wooden vessels kept out of range. (Thompson, 100.)
  84. ^ Kennedi 1869 yil, 103-104-betlar.
  85. ^ Not only the fortress itself, but its outworks e.g. at Curuzú and Curupaití.
  86. ^ Kennedi 1869 yil, p. 104.
  87. ^ Kennedi 1869 yil, pp. 180-3.
  88. ^ a b Tompson 1869, p. 65.
  89. ^ The cylinder was placed inside two other boxes in an attempt, often futile, to stop the powder getting wet: Thompson, 154.
  90. ^ Typically 1,000 lbs (450 kilos).
  91. ^ Thompson says forty, but the direct-line distance is closer to 20 miles.
  92. ^ Tompson 1869, pp. 161, 165.
  93. ^ a b Tompson 1869, p. 152.
  94. ^ Brassey 1882, 129-130-betlar.
  95. ^ They were set of by pieces of drift-wood, "or perhaps by inquisitive alligators" (Masterman, 139).
  96. ^ Brassey 1882, p. 130.
  97. ^ a b Tompson 1869, p. 151.
  98. ^ Tompson 1869, p. 161.
  99. ^ a b v Tompson 1869, p. 165.
  100. ^ Kennedi 1869 yil, p. 132.
  101. ^ Niemeyer 1867.
  102. ^ Masterman 1870, p. 114.
  103. ^ Kennedi 1869 yil, pp. 132, 181.
  104. ^ MacDermott 1976, p. xi.
  105. ^ Later in the war the Paraguayans abandoned the southern trenches (denoted by the numerals 2-3-4-5) and fell back on the inner trench adjacent Paso Pucú (denoted HQ).
  106. ^ Which means "mud that used to be" in the Guaraní language.
  107. ^ Tompson 1869, pp. 250-1.
  108. ^ Thompson, Plate II.
  109. ^ "Land intersected by deep lagoons and deep mud, and between the lagoons either an impassable jungle or long intertwined grass, equally impenetrable": Thompson, 128.
  110. ^ Whigham 2002, p. 186.
  111. ^ Nickson 2015, p. 590.
  112. ^ Doratioto 2008 yil, p. 202.
  113. ^ Tompson 1869, 331-332-betlar.
  114. ^ Berton 1870, pp. 351–362.
  115. ^ Tasso Fragoso 1956a, p. 299.
  116. ^ Known in other sources as Estero Roxas.
  117. ^ Tompson 1869, 193-194 betlar.
  118. ^ 'At this important central point converged ten radii of telegraph wires coming from all points of the so-called "Quadrilateral"': Burton, 357.
  119. ^ a b Tompson 1869, p. 155.
  120. ^ a b v d Berton 1870, p. 357.
  121. ^ Washburn 1871b, 157-158 betlar.
  122. ^ a b Jourdan 1871b, map No. 10.
  123. ^ Tompson 1869, pp. 171, 215.
  124. ^ See the right-hand side of the map.
  125. ^ Tompson 1869, p. 201.
  126. ^ Tompson 1869, p. 206.
  127. ^ Tompson 1869, p. 146.
  128. ^ Doratioto 2008 yil, p. 300.
  129. ^ 37 Brazilian prisoners who attempted to escape, or merely failed to betray a plot to do so, were shot by firing squad: shu erda.
  130. ^ Thompson, 207 recollected that Cabichuí was entirely in Guaraní but his recollection was faulty.
  131. ^ Williams 1978, p. 410.
  132. ^ Tompson 1869, p. 207.
  133. ^ Vol. 511 p244.
  134. ^ Jourdan 1871a, p. 5.
  135. ^ Garmendía 1901, p. 158.
  136. ^ Doratioto 2008 yil, p. 275.
  137. ^ Schneider 1902, p. 2018-04-02 121 2.
  138. ^ Doratioto 2008 yil, p. 205.
  139. ^ Tasso Fragoso 1956b, p. 236.
  140. ^ Hooker 2008, 58-59 betlar.
  141. ^ Haydon 1939.
  142. ^ Warren 1985, pp. 1, 10-11.
  143. ^ Berton 1870, p. 383.
  144. ^ a b Tompson 1869, p. 191.
  145. ^ Tasso Fragoso 1956b, p. 211.
  146. ^ Hutchinson 1868, p. 28.
  147. ^ Tompson 1869, p. 222.
  148. ^ Tompson 1869, pp. 212-3.
  149. ^ Tompson 1869, pp. 251-252.
  150. ^ Nakayama & Nakayama 2013.
  151. ^ Bethell 1996, p. 8.
  152. ^ Berton 1870, p. xiii.
  153. ^ a b v d e Berton 1870, p. 314.
  154. ^ Warren 1982, p. 237.
  155. ^ The Times September 1868, p. 6.
  156. ^ And quoted in Burton, 315–316, who may, however, have been quoting an earlier version published in the Buenos-Ayres standarti..
  157. ^ a b Sondhaus 2012, 73-74-betlar.
  158. ^ Because the stream was 200 metres broad (Burton, 313) but the canal passed close to the bank (Mulhall, 84)
  159. ^ In describing this route Burton says it starts from the "Lower Paraná", a slip in nomenclature. The portion of the river above its confluence with the Paraguay is properly called the Upper Paraná.
  160. ^ Tasso Fragoso 1956a, p. 3.
  161. ^ Whigham 2002, p. 91.
  162. ^ Doratioto 2005, p. 81.
  163. ^ Victorian slang for 'humbug': Oksford ingliz lug'ati, ma'no 2.
  164. ^ Doratioto 2008 yil, p. 316.
  165. ^ a b Berton 1870, p. 321.
  166. ^ Evropada nuqsonli to'p ko'pincha ko'cha postlari sifatida ishlatilgan; ulardan ba'zilari Janubiy Amerikaga ballast sifatida olib kelingan bo'lishi mumkin. Buni 54 yoshli Tompson tasdiqlaydi.
  167. ^ Tompson 1869, p. 251.
  168. ^ Jurdan 1871a, p. 55.
  169. ^ Uchun Dotterelniki kuzatishlar quyida, nuqsonli istehkomlarga qarang.
  170. ^ Berton 1870, p. 320.
  171. ^ Qasrlar.
  172. ^ Ba'zan yozilgan Dotterell.
  173. ^ Doterell Buyuk Britaniyadagi fuqarolarni vataniga qaytarish maqsadida 1865 yil 4 iyunda Asunsionga ketayotganda Humayta chaqirgan edi.
  174. ^ Shnayder 1902 yil, 114-115-betlar.
  175. ^ Pakenxem, 1865 yil 7-iyun.
  176. ^ Pakenxem, 1865 yil 7-iyun.
  177. ^ Tres-Bokas va Humayta oralig'ida daryo qirg'oqdan iborat edi: ba'zida ikkitadan pastroq (Kennedi, 104).
  178. ^ Standart, Buenos-Ayres, 1862 yil 14-may, 2-bet.
  179. ^ Berton 1870, p. 331.
  180. ^ Aniqrog'i monitor kema tomonidan ixtiro qilingan Jon Ericsson, shved va Frantsiya dengiz flotiga taklif qildi, ammo fuqarolik urushi davrida bu turni hosil qilgan amerikaliklar edi.
  181. ^ Tompson 1869, p. 246.
  182. ^ Hooker 2008 yil, p. 76.
  183. ^ Berton 1870, p. 345.
  184. ^ a b MacDermott 1976 yil, xi-xii-bet.
  185. ^ Braziliyalik temirchilar Humayta orqali o'tishni majbur qilganlarida, ularning ba'zilari Asunsiongacha ko'tarilishdi; ammo, ular tez orada qaytib kelishga majbur edilar.
  186. ^ Boshqa bir parchada u aytadiki, oraliq suzuvchi tayanchlar vayron bo'lgandan so'ng, uni siltab qo'yganda, uni tortadigan hech qanday dvigatel yo'q edi: Burton, 332.
  187. ^ Tompson 1869, p. 239.
  188. ^ Bertonning so'zlariga ko'ra, ularni uch kishi qo'llab-quvvatlagan chatalar (barjalar): Berton, 332. ko'raHMS Dotterell 10 ta pontonda joylashgan uchta buyuk zanjir bor edi (Shnayder, 1902, II, 115). Mastermanning so'zlariga ko'ra (Paragvay kuchlari bosh farmatsevti, uning tibbiy vazifalari uni Humaytaga olib borgan), ular "zajigalka" larda, shuningdek suzuvchi qamoqxona vazifasini o'tashgan - va qoziqlar qatorida. Ikkinchisi muvaffaqiyatsizlikka uchradi (u aytdi) "daryo baland bo'lganida ularni baliq ovlash zarurligidan": Masterman, 139 yil.
  189. ^ Kuni 2004 yil, 38-9 betlar.
  190. ^ Kuni 2004 yil, p. 39.
  191. ^ Kuni 2004 yil, p. 40.
  192. ^ Amerikalik elchi Charlz A. Vashbernning so'zlariga ko'ra "Braziliya Paragvayning shimolida Evropadan yarmiga teng katta provinsiyalarga ega edi, ularga [bu yo'l] dan tashqari deyarli kirish imkoni bo'lmagan": Vashbern I, 560 yil.
  193. ^ Sic.
  194. ^ Washburn 1871a, 563-564-betlar.
  195. ^ Bethell 1996 yil, p. 4.
  196. ^ Uilyams 1977 yil, p. 252.
  197. ^ Uilyams 1977 yil, 256-257 betlar.
  198. ^ Buenos Ayres Standard ', 1868 yil 25-fevral (iqtibos keltirilgan The Times "", London, 1868 yil 7-aprel, p. 5.)
  199. ^ Tompson shunday deb o'yladi: "Prezident Lopesning argentinaliklarga qarshi urushni boshlash tartibi o'ta g'azabli edi, ammo Braziliya bilan urush boshlanishi muqarrar edi; agar u urush boshlamaganida, Braziliya Paragvayni ahvolga tushib qolgan bo'lar edi: (Tompson) , v.)
  200. ^ Mexanik muhandislar instituti 1866 yil, p. 14.
  201. ^ Patent idorasi 1869, p. 373.
  202. ^ a b MacDermott 1976 yil, p. xix.
  203. ^ Kempbell va boshq. 1979 yil, 406-407 betlar.
  204. ^ a b Scheina 2003 yil, p. 1997 yil.
  205. ^ a b Whigham 2002 yil, p. 160.
  206. ^ Tompson 1869, p. 25.
  207. ^ vol 51 p. 244, 1868.
  208. ^ Berton 1870, p. 312.
  209. ^ Takuarí uning qozonlari suv sathidan pastda bo'lgan (Tompson, 73).
  210. ^ Ularning barchasi konversiya qilingan savdogarlar emas, balki maxsus ishlab chiqarilgan harbiy kemalar edi.
  211. ^ Kempbell va boshq. 1979 yil, 405-407, 418-betlar.
  212. ^ Whigham 2002 yil, p. 92.
  213. ^ 1927-quti, 155–178 betlar.
  214. ^ Whigham 2002 yil, 156-160-betlar.
  215. ^ Doratioto 2008 yil, 43, 56, 61-betlar.
  216. ^ The Marques de Olinda Braziliya hukumati tomonidan subsidiya qilingan Braziliya floti ofitseri tomonidan kapitan bo'lgan va Mato Grossoga yangi tayinlangan gubernatori, 10 nafar askar va provintsiyada foydalanish uchun juda ko'p miqdordagi qog'oz valyutani olib kelgan.
  217. ^ Whigham 2002 yil, 192-26-betlar.
  218. ^ Washburn 1871a, 563-564-betlar.
  219. ^ Tompson 1869, p. 23.
  220. ^ Rio Grande do Sul.
  221. ^ Korrientes yoki Misyones provinsiyalari.
  222. ^ Whigham 2002 yil, 259-307 betlar.
  223. ^ Whigham 2002 yil, p. 270.
  224. ^ Protokol, 1-modda: "Humayta istehkomlari buzib tashlanadi va ... boshqa yoki boshqa turdagi binolarni qurishga yo'l qo'yilmaydi va shu bilan shartnomaning sodiq bajarilishiga xalaqit beradi."
  225. ^ Xatchinson 1868, p. 303.
  226. ^ Tasso Fragoso 1956a, p. 33.
  227. ^ Vikipediya tarjimasi.
  228. ^ Paso de Patria - Parana daryosining Paragvay qirg'og'idagi qishloq; Tompson, 128, uni "Paso la Patria" deb noto'g'ri nomlaydi. Uni o'zining hamkasbi Paso de la Patria bilan, Argentina qirg'og'ida unga qarama-qarshi qishloq bilan aralashtirish kerak emas.
  229. ^ Ispaniya chempionati piyoda yurish uchun bir soatlik masofaga yoki taxminan 3 milga teng bo'lgan aniq bo'lmagan masofa edi.
  230. ^ Tasso Fragoso 1956a, p. 34.
  231. ^ Vikipediya tarjimasi.
  232. ^ Bertonning tanqidi shu edi: faol va vakolatli dushman tez orada kuchi haddan tashqari oshirib yuborilgan Humayta o'tishiga majbur bo'lar edi. (Berton, 332 va passim va 234-ni taqqoslang). Biroq, bu biroz adolatsiz yoki evropentlik bo'lishi mumkin. Ittifoqdosh ofitserlar korpusi o'zlari olib borgan urush turlari to'g'risida ilgari tajribaga ega emas edi. Masalan. Dadli, 107-8.
  233. ^ 1865 yil 17 aprelda.
  234. ^ Tompson 1869, 47-48 betlar.
  235. ^ Pla 1976, 225.
  236. ^ Garchi Humayta to'sqinlik qilmasa ham, Paragvayliklar Paragvay daryosi bo'ylab yana kuchli nuqtalarni yaratdilar, ammo ittifoqchilarni hech kim uzoq vaqt ushlab turmadi. MacDermot, xii-xiv-ga qarang.
  237. ^ Tompson 1869, p. 133.
  238. ^ Pla 1976, 224.
  239. ^ MakDermot 1968-1972 yillarda Buyuk Britaniyaning Paragvaydagi elchisi bo'lgan.
  240. ^ Uilyams 1979 yil, p. 212.
  241. ^ a b 1976 yil, p. 224.
  242. ^ Doratioto 2008 yil, 308-309 betlar.
  243. ^ Yuqoridagi zanjir bumidagi tortishish yo'qligi bo'limiga qarang.
  244. ^ Doratioto 2008 yil, p. 297.
  245. ^ Galvez, II, 1928.

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Tashqi havolalar

La Fortaleza de Humaitá uz 3D (qal'ani hayajonli tasvirlar va vatanparvarlik musiqasi bilan idealizatsiya qilingan raqamli rekonstruktsiya qilish [7]. Ko'chirish rasmlari 1:46 da boshlanadi.)