Keniya tarixi - History of Kenya

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Tarixi Keniya
Xronologiya Yil bo'yicha
Koobi Fora Homininlari Olorgesailie Aechulean bolta madaniyati Lothagam Shimoliy Monumental qabristoni Kalokol ustunlar uchastkasi Elmenteytan madaniyati Kushitik kengayish Bantu kengayishi Nilotik kengayish Sirikva madaniyati Urewe madaniyati Thimlich Ohinga toshdan qurilgan xarobalar Mijikenda Kayas (mustahkamlangan aholi punktlari) Hind okeanining savdo yo'li Suaxili Gedi xarobalari Kilva Sultonligi Arablarning qul savdosi Ummon imperiyasi Imperial Britaniya Sharqiy Afrika kompaniyasi Vanga qirolligi Nabongo Mumia Keniya-Uganda temir yo'li Nandi qarshilik Germaniya Sharqiy Afrika Britaniya Sharqiy Afrika Keniya-Uganda temir yo'li Mekatilili Va Menza Sharqiy Afrika kampaniyasi (Birinchi Jahon urushi) Keniya mustamlakasi Garri Thuku Ikkinchi jahon urushida Keniya Keniya Afrika ittifoqi Mau Mau isyoni Tom Mboya Kennedi havo kemasi Mustaqillik Jomo Kenyatta Shifta urushi Oginga Odinga Keniya Xalq Ittifoqi Pio Gama Pinto Kisumu qirg'ini Jomo Kenyatta prezidentligi Daniel Arap Moi 1982 yilgi davlat to'ntarishiga urinish Vagalla qirg'ini 1992 yil Keniya umumiy saylovlari 1997 yil Keniya umumiy saylovlari 1998 yil Qo'shma Shtatlar elchixonasida portlashlar Keniyadagi terrorizm Daniel Moining prezidentligi 2002 yil Keniya umumiy saylovlari Mvai Kibaki 2005 yil Keniya konstitutsiyaviy referendumi 2007-2008 yillarda Keniya inqirozi Raila Odinga 2010 yil Keniya konstitutsiyaviy referendumi Linda Nchi operatsiyasi Westgate savdo markaziga hujum 2014 yil Mpeketoni hujumlari Mwai Kibaki prezidentligi Uxuru Kenyatta Garissa universiteti kollejiga hujum 2017 yil oktyabr oyida Keniya prezidentlik saylovlari 2018 yil Keniyada qo'l siqish Uhuru Kenyatta prezidentligi Uilyam Ruto va Uxuru merosxo'rlik siyosati
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Sharqiy Afrikaning bir qismi, hozirgi hudud Keniya ko'rgan odamlarning yashash joylari boshidan beri Quyi paleolit. The Bantu kengayishi G'arbiy Afrikaning tarqoqlik markazidan eramizning 1-ming yilligiga qadar bu hududga etib borgan. Zamonaviy davlat chegaralari bilan chorrahada Bantu, Nilo-Saxara va Afro-Osiyo Afrikaning etnik-lingvistik hududlari, Keniya haqiqatan ham ko'p millatli davlat.

Evropa va arablarning mavjudligi Mombasa dastlabki zamonaviy davrga tegishli, ammo Evropa tadqiqotlari ichki qismi 19-asrda boshlangan. The Britaniya imperiyasi tashkil etdi Sharqiy Afrika protektorati 1895 yilda, 1920 yildan boshlab Keniya mustamlakasi.^[1]

Mustaqil Keniya Respublikasi 1963 yilda tashkil topgan. De-fakto sifatida boshqarilgan bir partiyali davlat tomonidan Keniya Afrika milliy ittifoqi (KANU), boshchiligida Jomo Kenyatta 1963 yildan 1978 yilgacha. Kenyatta o'rnini egalladi Daniel arap Moi, 2002 yilgacha boshqargan. Moi uni o'zgartirishga urindi amalda Keniyaning bir partiyaviy maqomi de-yure 1980 yillar davomida, ammo oxiriga kelib Sovuq urush, G'arb davlatlari tomonidan "e'tibordan chetda qoldirilgan" siyosiy repressiya va qiynoq amaliyotlariga kommunizmni jilovlash uchun zarur bo'lgan yovuzliklar sifatida endi yo'l qo'yilmadi.

Moi, xususan AQSh elchisi tomonidan bosim o'tkazdi Smit Xempston, tiklash uchun a ko'p partiyali tizim U 1991 yilga qadar qilgan. Moi 1992 va 1997 yillarda bo'lib o'tgan saylovlarda g'alaba qozondi, bu saylovlarda ikkala tomon ham siyosiy sabablarga ko'ra o'ldirilgan. 1990 yillar davomida Moining inson huquqlarini buzilishida ishtirok etganligi va korruptsiya kabi Goldenberg mojarosi, fosh qilindi. Unga g'alaba qozongan 2002 yilgi saylovlarda konstitutsiyaviy ravishda taqiq qo'yilgan edi Mvai Kibaki. 2007 yilgi saylovlarda Kibaki tarafidan keng tarqalgan saylov firibgarligi natijalariga olib keldi 2007–2008 yillarda Keniya inqirozi. Kibaki o'rnini egalladi Uxuru Kenyatta ichida 2013 yilgi umumiy saylovlar. Uning raqibi degan da'volar bor edi Raila Odinga tanlovda g'olib chiqdi, ammo Oliy sud keltirilgan dalillarni sinchkovlik bilan o'rganib chiqib, sud jarayoni davomida qonunbuzarlik aniqlanmadi. 2013 yilgi umumiy saylovlar ikkalasi ham IEBC va Yubiley partiyasi ning Uxuru Kenyatta.

Paleolit

1929 yilda Keniyada qadimgi qadimgi odam ajdodlari mavjudligining birinchi dalili qachon topilgan Lui Liki bir million yillik topilgan Acheulian ushlagichlar Kariandusi tarixidan oldingi sayt Keniyaning janubi-g'arbida.^[2] Keyinchalik, erta turlarning ko'plab turlari hominid Keniyada topilgan. Tomonidan topilgan eng qadimgi Martin Pikford 2000 yilda olti million yil Orrorin tugenensis nomi bilan nomlangan Tugen Hills qaerdan topilganligi.^[3] Bu dunyodagi eng qadimgi qazilma hominidlaridan keyin ikkinchi o'rinda turadi Sahelanthropus tchadensis.

1995 yilda Meave Leakey hominidning yangi turini nomladi Australopithecus anamensis yaqinidagi bir qator fotoalbom kashfiyotlaridan so'ng Turkana ko‘li 1965, 1987 va 1994 yillarda. Taxminan 4,1 million yil.^[4]:35

2011 yilda 3,2 million yillik tosh qurollar topilgan Lomekvi Turkana ko'li yaqinida - bu dunyodagi har qanday joyda topilgan eng qadimgi tosh qurollar Homo.^[5]

Hozirgacha kashf etilgan eng taniqli va to'liq gominid skeletlaridan biri 1,6 million yoshda bo'lgan Homo erectus sifatida tanilgan Nariokotome Boy tomonidan topilgan Kamoya Kimeu 1984 yilda boshchiligidagi qazishda Richard Liki.^[6]

Eng qadimgi Achelean dunyoning biron bir joyida topilgan asboblar G'arbiy Turkana, va usuli bilan 2011 yilda sanab o'tilgan magnetostratigrafiya taxminan 1,76 million yilgacha.^[7]

Sharqiy Afrika, shu jumladan Keniya, zamonaviy odamlar yashaydigan eng qadimgi mintaqalardan biridir (Homo sapiens ) yashagan deb ishoniladi. Dalillar 2018 yilda, taxminan 320,000 yil avval, Keniya saytidan topilgan Olorgesailie ning erta paydo bo'lishi zamonaviy xatti-harakatlar shu jumladan: shaharlararo savdo tarmoqlari (obsidian kabi tovarlarni o'z ichiga olgan), pigmentlardan foydalanish va snaryad nuqtalarini tayyorlash. Saytdagi uchta 2018 tadqiqotlari mualliflari ushbu xatti-harakatlarning dalillari ma'lum bo'lgan eng qadimgi odamlarga taxminan zamonaviy ekanligini kuzatmoqdalar. Homo sapiens Afrikadan qoldiq qoldiqlari (masalan, at.) Jebel Irhoud va Florisbad ) va ular shuni ko'rsatadiki, Afrikada murakkab va zamonaviy xatti-harakatlar paydo bo'lishi davrida allaqachon boshlangan Homo sapiens.^[8][9][10]

Neolitik

Hozirgi Keniyaning birinchi aholisi bo'lgan ovchi zamonaviylarga o'xshash guruhlar Xoysan ma'ruzachilar.^[11] Ko'pincha, bu jamoalar miloddan avvalgi 3-ming yillikdan Keniyaga ko'chishni boshlagan turli xil oziq-ovqat ishlab chiqaradigan jamiyatlarga singib ketgan.

Tilshunoslik dalillari Keniyaning shimoliy Keniyasiga kirib kelishi bilan boshlanadigan aholining Keniyadagi nisbiy ketma-ketligini ko'rsatmoqda Janubiy kushit miloddan avvalgi 3 ming yillikda so'zlashuvchi aholi. Ular bo'lgan yaylovchilar ichki zaxiralarni, shu jumladan qoramol, qo'y, echki va eshaklarni saqlagan.^[12] Ushbu davrdagi ajoyib megalitik saytlarga ehtimol arxeoastronomik sayt kiradi Namoratunga Turkana ko'lining g'arbiy qismida. Miloddan avvalgi 1000 yilga kelib va ​​undan ham ilgari pastoralizm Keniyaning markaziy qismida va shimolida tarqaldi Tanzaniya.

Hozirgi vaqtda janubiy kushitik ma'ruzachilarining avlodlari Tanzaniya shimolida, Eyasi ko'li yaqinida joylashgan. Boshqa tillarda qarz so'zlarining mavjudligi bilan belgilanadigan ularning o'tmishdagi taqsimoti, ma'lum taqsimotni o'z ichiga oladi Highland Savanna Pastoral Neolit ​​madaniyati.^[13]

Miloddan avvalgi 700 yildan boshlab, Janubiy Nilotik vatanlari Sudan, Uganda, Keniya va Efiopiya o'rtasidagi umumiy chegaraga yaqin joyda joylashgan nutqiy jamoalar janubdan g'arbiy tog'larga ko'chib o'tdilar va Rift vodiysi Keniya viloyati.

Janubiy Nilotlarning Keniyaga kelishi temirning Sharqiy Afrikaga kirib kelishidan bir oz oldin sodir bo'lgan. Janubiy Nilotik ma'ruzachilarning avvalgi tarqalishi, joy nomlari, qarz so'zlari va og'zaki an'analaridan kelib chiqqan holda ma'lum bo'lgan taqsimotni o'z ichiga oladi Elmenteytan saytlar.^[13]

Temir asri

The Bantu kengayishi miloddan avvalgi 1000 yil atrofida Keniyaning g'arbiy qismiga etib borgan deb taxmin qilinadi.^[14] Ning devor bilan o'ralgan joylashuvi Timlich Ohinga yilda Nyanza viloyati sharqiy Afrika temir davriga oid muhim sayt. Keyinchalik Tanzaniya orqali ko'chib ketish Keniya qirg'og'ida joylashishga olib keldi, bu erda bu jamoalar arab va hind savdogarlari bilan aloqalarni o'rnatdilar, bu esa rivojlanishiga olib keldi. Suaxil madaniyati.

Suaxili madaniyati va savdosi

Ushbu bo'lim kengayishga muhtoj. Siz yordam berishingiz mumkin unga qo'shilish. (2017 yil iyun)

Keniya qirg'og'i jamoalarni qabul qilgan temirchilar va Sharq jamoalari Bantu iqtisodiyotni qishloq xo'jaligi, baliq ovlash, metall ishlab chiqarish va tashqi hududlar bilan savdo-sotiq bilan qo'llab-quvvatlagan yordamchi dehqonlar, ovchilar va baliqchilar.^[15] Ushbu jamoalar eng qadimgi davrda tashkil topgan shahar-davlatlar mintaqada^[16] birgalikda ma'lum bo'lgan Rim imperiyasi kabi "Azaniya ".

Milodning I asriga kelib, ko'plab shahar-davlatlar - masalan Mombasa, Malindi va Zanzibar bilan savdo aloqalarini o'rnatishni boshladi Arablar. Bu pirovardida Suaxili shtatlarining iqtisodiy o'sishining kuchayishiga olib keldi Islom, Arabcha suaxiliga ta'sir qiladi Bantu tili va madaniy diffuziya. Suaxili shaharlari yirik savdo tarmog'ining bir qismiga aylandi.^[17][18] Ko'pgina tarixchilar uzoq vaqtdan beri arab yoki fors savdogarlari shahar-davlatlarni barpo etishgan deb hisoblashgan, ammo arxeologik dalillar olimlarni shahar-davlatlarni mahalliy rivojlanish sifatida tan olishga majbur qildi, garchi savdo tufayli tashqi ta'sirga uchragan bo'lsa-da, Bantu madaniy yadrosini saqlab qoldi.^[19]

Suaxili, a Bantu tili ko'pchilik bilan Arabcha qarz so'zlari, ishlab chiqilgan^{[qachon? ]} kabi lingua franca turli xalqlar o'rtasidagi savdo uchun.^[4]:214 A Suaxil madaniyati shaharlarda, xususan Pate, Malindi va Mombasada rivojlangan. Arab va fors savdogarlari va muhojirlarining suaxili madaniyatiga ta'siri ziddiyatli bo'lib qolmoqda. Davomida O'rta yosh,

Sharqiy Afrikaning suaxili qirg'og'i (shu jumladan Zanzibar) ko'plab avtonom savdo shaharlaridan iborat bo'lgan boy va rivojlangan mintaqa edi. Boylik afrikaliklarning hind, fors, arab, indoneziya, malayziya, afrikalik va xitoylik savdogarlarning vositachilari va yordamchilari sifatida qatnashgan. Bu xalqlarning barchasi suaxil madaniyatini ma'lum darajada boyitgan. Suaxili madaniyati o'zining yozma tilini rivojlantirdi; Til turli tsivilizatsiyalar elementlarini o'zida mujassam etgan bo'lib, arab tili eng kuchli sifat hisoblanadi. Ba'zi arab ko'chmanchilari boy savdogarlar edilar, ular boyliklari tufayli hokimiyatni qo'lga kiritdilar, ba'zan esa qirg'oq bo'yidagi shaharlarning hukmdorlari sifatida.^[20]

Portugal va Ummon ta'siri

Portugal XV asr oxirida Sharqiy Afrika qirg'og'ida tadqiqotchilar paydo bo'ldi. Portugaliyaliklar aholi punktlarini topishni emas, balki barpo etishni niyat qilgan dengiz bazalari bu beradi Portugaliya ustidan nazorat Hind okeani. Bir necha o'n yillik kichik mojarolardan so'ng arablar Ummon Keniyada portugallarni mag'lub etdi.

Portugaliyaliklar hozirgi Keniya mintaqasini o'rgangan birinchi evropaliklar bo'ldi: Vasko da Gama tashrif buyurgan Mombasa 1498 yil aprelda. Da Gama safari Hindistonga (1498 yil may) muvaffaqiyatli etib bordi va shu bilan Portugaliyaning Janubiy Osiyo bilan to'g'ridan-to'g'ri dengiz savdo aloqalari boshlandi va shu tariqa quruq savdo va dengiz yo'llari orqali eski savdo tarmoqlari qiyinlashdi. ziravorlar savdosi dan foydalangan marshrutlar Fors ko'rfazi, Qizil dengiz va karvonlar sharqiy O'rta er dengiziga etib borish. (The Venetsiya Respublikasi nazoratni qo'lga kiritgan edi^{[qachon? ]} Evropa va Osiyo o'rtasidagi savdo-sotiqning katta qismi. Ayniqsa Usmonli turklari qo'lga olindi Konstantinopol 1453 yilda Sharqiy O'rta er dengizi ustidan Turkiya nazorati Evropa va Hindiston o'rtasida an'anaviy quruqlik yo'llaridan foydalanishni to'xtatdi. Portugaliya da Gama tomonidan ochilgan dengiz yo'lidan siyosiy, chetlab o'tish uchun foydalanishga umid qildi, monopolistik va tarif to'siqlar.)

Portugaliyaning Sharqiy Afrikadagi hukmronligi asosan markazda joylashgan qirg'oq bo'ylab joylashgan Mombasa. Portugaliyaning Sharqiy Afrikadagi ishtiroki rasmiy ravishda 1505 yildan so'ng boshchiligidagi dengiz kuchlari boshlandi Dom Fransisko de Almeyda zabt etilgan Kilva, hozirgi Tanzaniyaning janubi-sharqida joylashgan orol.^[21]

Portugaliyaning Sharqiy Afrikadagi ishtiroki Hind okeanidagi savdoni nazorat qilish va Evropa va Osiyoni bog'laydigan dengiz yo'llarini ta'minlash maqsadiga xizmat qildi. Portugaliyaning dengiz kemalari Portugaliyaning g'arbiy Hind okeanidagi dushmanlarining savdosini buzdi va portugallar portlar va transport yo'llarini strategik nazorat qilishlarini hisobga olib, ushbu hudud orqali tashiladigan narsalarga yuqori bojlarni talab qildilar. Ning qurilishi Fort-Iso 1593 yilda Mombasada portugal gegemonligini mintaqada mustahkamlashga qaratilgan. Ummon arablari Portugaliyaning qal'alarini qamal qilib, Sharqiy Afrikadagi Portugaliyaning ta'siriga qarshi to'g'ridan-to'g'ri muammo tug'dirdi. Ummon kuchlari Iso Fortini qo'lga kiritdi 1698 yilda, faqat qo'zg'olonda uni yo'qotish (1728), ammo 1730 yilga kelib Omanliklar qolgan portugallarni hozirgi Keniya va Tanzaniya qirg'oqlaridan haydab chiqarishdi. Bu vaqtga kelib Portugaliya imperiyasi trafikning rentabelligi pasaygani sababli ziravorlar savdosi dengiz yo'liga qiziqishni allaqachon yo'qotgan edi. (Portugaliyalar tomonidan boshqariladigan hududlar, portlar va aholi punktlari janubda faol bo'lib qoldi, yilda Mozambik, 1975 yilgacha.)

Ostida Seyyid Said (1807-1856 yillarda hukmronlik qilgan), Ummon sultoni uning poytaxtini kim ko'chirgan Zanzibar 1824 yilda,^{[iqtibos kerak ]} arablar Afrika ichki qismiga uzoq masofali savdo yo'llarini o'rnatdilar. Shimolning quruq qismida ozgina odamlar yashagan yarim ko'chmanchi yaylovchilar. Janubda chorvadorlar va dehqonlar mollarni barter qildilar va quruqlik uchun raqobatlashdilar, chunki uzoq karvon yo'llari ularni sharqdagi Keniya qirg'oqlari va qirolliklari bilan bog'lab turardi. Uganda g'arbda.^[4]:227 Arab, Sheroziy va qirg'oq bo'yidagi Afrika madaniyati islomni vujudga keltirdi Suaxili xalqi mamlakatdagi turli xil tovarlar bilan savdo qilish, shu jumladan qullar.^[4]:227

19-asr tarixi

Ummon arablarining Keniya va Tanzaniya qirg'oqlarini mustamlakaga aylantirishi bir paytlar mustaqillikka olib keldi shahar-davlatlar Portugaliya davrida boshdan kechirganiga qaraganda chet ellarning yaqinroq tekshiruvi va hukmronligi ostida.^[22] Omoniy arablar o'zlaridan avvalgilariga o'xshab, avvalambor, nafaqat ichki, balki qirg'oq hududlarini boshqarish imkoniyatiga ega bo'lishgan. Biroq, yaratilishi plantatsiyalar, ning kuchayishi qul savdosi va Ummon poytaxtining harakati Zanzibar 1839 yilda Seyyid Said mintaqada Ummon hokimiyatini mustahkamlashga ta'sir ko'rsatdi. Sharqiy Afrika qirg'og'idagi barcha yirik portlarni arablar bilan boshqarish Britaniyaning manfaatlari, xususan, ularning "hindu javohiri" ni ta'minlash va shaxslar o'rtasida savdo tizimini yaratishga qaratilgan Ummon hukmronligiga bosim o'tkazguncha davom etdi. 19-asr oxiriga kelib, ochiq dengizdagi qullar savdosi inglizlar tomonidan butunlay bo'g'ib tashlandi. Ummon arablari bunga qarshi turishdan manfaatdor emas edilar Qirollik floti qullikka qarshi ko'rsatmalarni bajarish bo'yicha harakatlar. Sifatida Moresbi shartnomasi Ummon o'z suvlari ustidan suverenitetni talab qilar ekan, Seyyid Said qullar savdosiga aralashish uchun hech qanday sabab ko'rmadi, chunki qullarning asosiy mijozlari evropaliklar edi. Farquhar maktubida ta'kidlaganidek, faqat Saidning aralashuvi bilan Evropada qullar savdosi amalga oshiriladi G'arbiy Hind okeani bekor qilinmoq^{[iqtibos kerak ]}. Ummon borligi Zanzibarda davom etar ekan va Pemba 1964 yilgi inqilobgacha, ammo Keniyada rasmiy Ummon arablarining mavjudligi Germaniya va Buyuk Britaniyaning muhim portlarni egallab olishlari va 1880-yillarda nufuzli mahalliy rahbarlar bilan hal qiluvchi savdo ittifoqlarini tuzishi bilan tekshirildi. Shunga qaramay, Sharqiy Afrikadagi Ummon arablarining merosi hozirgi paytda ularning nasl-nasabini to'g'ridan-to'g'ri kuzatib boradigan qirg'oq bo'ylab topilgan ko'plab avlodlari orqali topilgan. Ummon va odatda Keniyaning qirg'oq bo'yidagi hamjamiyatining eng boy va siyosiy jihatdan nufuzli a'zolari.^[21]

Birinchi nasroniy missiyasi 1846 yil 25-avgustda tashkil etilgan Doktor Iogann Lyudvig Krapf, Angliya cherkov missionerlik jamiyati homiyligida nemis.^[4]:561 U orasida stansiya tashkil qildi Mijikenda qirg'oqda. Keyinchalik u Muqaddas Kitobni suahili tiliga tarjima qildi.^[21]

1850 yilga kelib Evropa tadqiqotchilari ichki qismini xaritalashni boshlagan edi.^[4]:229 Uchta voqea 19-asrning birinchi yarmida Evropaning Sharqiy Afrikaga bo'lgan qiziqishini rag'batlantirdi.^[4]:560 Birinchidan, orolning paydo bo'lishi edi Zanzibar, Afrikaning sharqiy qirg'og'ida joylashgan.^[4]:560 Zanzibar Afrika materikida savdo va razvedka ishlari olib boriladigan bazaga aylandi.^[4]:560 1840 yilga kelib, Zanzibarda ish yuritayotgan turli fuqarolarning manfaatlarini himoya qilish uchun inglizlar, frantsuzlar, nemislar va amerikaliklar tomonidan konsullik idoralari ochildi. 1859 yilda Zanzibarga qo'ng'iroq qilgan xorijiy yuklarning tonnaji 19000 tonnaga yetdi.^[4]:561 1879 yilga kelib ushbu yuk tashish hajmi 89000 tonnaga yetdi. Evropaning Afrikaga qiziqishini uyg'otgan ikkinchi rivojlanish bu Afrikaning fil suyagi va chinnigullar, shu jumladan Afrika mahsulotlariga bo'lgan talabining ortishi. Uchinchidan, Buyuk Britaniyaning Sharqiy Afrikaga bo'lgan qiziqishi birinchi navbatda qul savdosini bekor qilish istagi bilan rag'batlantirildi.^[4]:560–61 Keyinchalik asrda Britaniyaning Sharqiy Afrikaga bo'lgan qiziqishini nemis raqobati rag'batlantirar edi.

Britaniya hukmronligi (1895–1963)

Sharqiy Afrika protektorati

1895 yilda ingliz hukumati egallab oldi va ichki g'arbiy Naivasha ko'li qadar da'vo; u o'rnatdi Sharqiy Afrika protektorati. Chegarasi 1902 yilda Ugandaga qadar uzaytirildi va 1920 yilda kengaytirilgan protektorat, protektorat bo'lib qolgan dastlabki qirg'oq chizig'i bundan mustasno, toj koloniyasiga aylandi. 1895 yilda mustamlakachilik boshqaruvi boshlanishi bilan Rift vodiysi va uning atrofidagi Tog'liklar tog'lar uchun oq bo'lib qoldi. 20-asrning 20-yillarida hindular Tog'lar evropaliklar, ayniqsa, ingliz urush faxriylari uchun. Oq tanlilar asosan Kikuyu mehnatiga bog'liq bo'lgan kofe etishtirish bilan shug'ullanishgan. Hindlar va evropaliklar o'rtasida achchiqlanish o'sdi.^[23]

Ushbu hududning serhosil erlari uni har doim migratsiya va mojarolar makoniga aylantirib kelgan. Hech qanday muhim mineral resurslar yo'q edi - ko'pchilikni Janubiy Afrikaga jalb qilgan oltin yoki olmosning hech biri.

Imperator Germaniya ustidan protektorat o'rnating Zanzibar sultoni 1885 yilda qirg'oq egaliklari, so'ngra Sirning kelishi Uilyam Makinnon "s Britaniya Sharqiy Afrika kompaniyasi (BEAC) 1888 yilda, kompaniya qirollik xartiyasi va Keniya qirg'og'iga imtiyozli huquqni Sultonidan olganidan so'ng Zanzibar 50 yillik muddatga. 1890 yilda Germaniya qirg'oqlarini nemislar nazorati ostiga olish evaziga Buyuk Britaniyaga o'z qo'liga topshirganida, boshlangan imperiya raqobati to'xtatildi. Tanganika. Mustamlakani egallab olish vaqti-vaqti bilan ba'zi kuchli mahalliy qarshiliklarga duch keldi: Vaiyaki va Xinga, a Kikuyu bilan shartnoma imzolagan Dagorettini boshqargan boshliq Frederik Lugard BEACning a'zosi, katta ta'qiblarga uchragan, 1890 yilda Lyugard qal'asini yoqib yuborgan. Vayaki ikki yildan so'ng inglizlar tomonidan o'g'irlab ketilgan va o'ldirilgan.^[21]

Og'ir moliyaviy qiyinchiliklardan so'ng Britaniya Sharqiy Afrika kompaniyasi, Britaniya hukumati 1895 yil 1-iyulda orqali to'g'ridan-to'g'ri boshqaruvni o'rnatdi Sharqiy Afrika protektorati, keyinchalik (1902) serhosil tog'larni oq ko'chmanchilarga ochish.

1911 xaritasi

1895 yilda boshlangan Mombasadan temir yo'l qurilishi Keniyaning ichki makonini rivojlantirishning asosiy omili edi Kisumu, kuni Viktoriya ko'li, 1901 yilda tugatilgan. Bu birinchi qism bo'lishi kerak edi Uganda temir yo'li. Britaniya hukumati, birinchi navbatda, strategik sabablarga ko'ra Mombasani Britaniya protektorati bilan bog'laydigan temir yo'l qurishga qaror qildi Uganda. Muhandislikning asosiy yutug'i bo'lgan "Uganda temir yo'li" (ya'ni Keniya ichkarisida Ugandaga olib boradigan temir yo'l) 1903 yilda qurib bitkazilgan va hududni modernizatsiya qilishda hal qiluvchi voqea bo'lgan. Keniya gubernatori sifatida ser Persi Jiruad Nayrobi-Thika va Konza-Magadi temir yo'llarini qurishga olib keladigan temir yo'llarni kengaytirish siyosatini boshlashda muhim rol o'ynadi.^[24]

Qo'l mehnati bilan shug'ullanish uchun Britaniya Hindistonidan 32000 ga yaqin ishchi olib kelingan. Ko'pchilik hind savdogarlari va Keniyaning ichki qismini ochish imkoniyatini ko'rgan kichik biznesmenlarning aksariyati kabi qolishdi. Tez iqtisodiy rivojlanish temir yo'lni to'lash uchun zarur deb hisoblandi va Afrika aholisi qishloq xo'jaligini eksport qilishdan ko'ra kun ko'rishga odatlanganligi sababli, hukumat Afrikaning kichik aholisi bo'lgan serhosil tog'larda Evropaning joylashishini rag'batlantirish to'g'risida qaror qabul qildi. Temir yo'l nafaqat evropalik dehqonlar uchun, balki ichki makonni ham ochdi, missionerlar va ma'murlar, shuningdek qullik, jodugarlik, kasallik va ocharchilikka qarshi kurashish bo'yicha tizimli hukumat dasturlari. Afrikaliklar sehrgarlikni ularning hayotiga kuchli ta'sir sifatida ko'rdilar va jodugarlikda gumon qilinganlarga qarshi tez-tez zo'ravonlik choralarini ko'rdilar. Buni nazorat qilish uchun ingliz mustamlakachilik ma'muriyati 1909 yildan boshlab, sehr-jodu bilan shug'ullanishni noqonuniy qilgan qonunlarni qabul qildi. Ushbu qonunlar mahalliy aholiga jodugarlar faoliyatini to'xtatishning qonuniy, zo'ravonliksiz usulini berdi.^[25]

Temir yo'l qurilishi bilanoq, Afrika aholisi tomonidan inglizlarning asl egaligiga qarshi harbiy qarshilik ko'rsatildi. Ammo Evropada kelishuv jarayoni natijasida yangi shikoyatlar paydo bo'ldi. Gubernator Persi Jiruard 1911 yildagi Ikkinchi Maasay kelishuvining buzilishi bilan bog'liq bo'lib, bu ularning unumdor Laikipiya platosidan yarim quruq Ngongacha kuch bilan ko'chirilishiga olib keldi. Evropaliklarga (asosan, Britaniyaliklar va Janubiy Afrikadan kelgan oq tanlilar) yo'l ochish uchun Maasai 1913 yilda janubiy Loieta tekisliklarida cheklangan edi. Kikuyu evropaliklar uchun ajratilgan erlarning bir qismini o'z zimmasiga oldi va o'zlarini merosdan mahrum bo'lganligini his qilishda davom etdi.

Mustamlakachilik boshqaruvining dastlabki bosqichida ma'muriyat an'anaviy kommunikatorlarga, odatda boshliqlarga ishongan. Mustamlakachilik boshqaruvi o'rnatilib, samaradorlik izlanganda, qisman ko'chmanchilar bosimi tufayli, yangi o'qigan yosh erkaklar mahalliy mahalliy Kengashlarda eski boshliqlar bilan bog'langan.^[26]

Temir yo'lni qurishda inglizlar, ayniqsa, mahalliy aholining kuchli qarshiliklariga qarshi turishlari kerak edi Koitalel Arap Samoei, diviner va Nandi qora ilon olov sochayotgan Nandi erini yorib yuborishini bashorat qilgan rahbar, keyinchalik temir yo'l liniyasi sifatida ko'rilgan. O'n yil davomida u temir yo'l va poezd quruvchilariga qarshi kurashdi. Ko'chmanchilarga qisman 1907 yilda qonunchilik kengashi orqali hukumatda ovoz berishga ruxsat berildi, kimdir tayinlangan va boshqalari saylangan Evropa tashkiloti. Ammo vakolatlarning aksariyati gubernatorning qo'lida qolganligi sababli, ko'chmanchilar Keniyani a-ga o'zgartirish uchun lobbi qilishni boshladilar Toj koloniyasi, bu ko'chmanchilar uchun ko'proq kuchlarni anglatardi. Ular ushbu maqsadga 1920 yilda erishdilar va Kengashni evropalik ko'chmanchilarning ko'proq vakiliga aylantirdilar; ammo afrikaliklar 1944 yilgacha, ulardan birinchisi Kengashga qabul qilingunga qadar to'g'ridan-to'g'ri siyosiy ishtirok etishdan chetlashtirildi.^[26]

Birinchi jahon urushi

Keniya inglizlar uchun harbiy bazaga aylandi Birinchi jahon urushi (1914–1918),^[27] chunki Germaniyaning mustamlakasini janubga bo'ysundirish bo'yicha harakatlar puchga chiqdi. 1914 yil avgustda urush boshlanganda gubernatorlar Britaniya Sharqiy Afrika (Protektorat odatda ma'lum bo'lgan) va Germaniya Sharqiy Afrika yosh mustamlakalarni to'g'ridan-to'g'ri jangovar harakatlardan saqlab qolish uchun sulhga rozi bo'ldi. Ammo Polkovnik Pol von Lettov-Vorbek imkon qadar ko'proq ingliz resurslarini bog'lashga qaror qilgan nemis harbiy kuchlariga qo'mondonlik qildi. Germaniyadan butunlay uzilib qolgan fon Lettov samarali ish olib bordi partizan urushi kampaniya, quruqlikdan tashqarida yashash, ingliz ta'minotini egallash va mag'lubiyatsiz qolish. Oxir-oqibat u taslim bo'ldi Zambiya 1918 yilda sulh imzolanganidan o'n bir kun o'tgach. Fon Lettovni ta'qib qilish uchun inglizlar joylashtirildi Hindiston armiyasi Hindistondan kelgan qo'shinlar va keyinchalik ichki qismga piyoda transport vositalarini etkazib berishning dahshatli logistikasini engib o'tish uchun ko'p miqdordagi yukchilar kerak edi. The Tashuvchi korpus tashkil topdi va oxir-oqibat 400 mingdan ortiq afrikaliklarni safarbar qildi va ularning uzoq muddatli siyosiylashuviga hissa qo'shdi.^[26]

Keniya mustamlakasi

Keniyadagi zamonaviy Afrikalik siyosiy tashkilotning birinchi qo'zg'oloni koloniyada ko'chmanchilarni qo'llab-quvvatlash siyosatiga, afrikaliklarga soliqlarning ko'payishiga va xo'rlanganlarga qarshi norozilik bildirishga intildi. kipande (Bo'yinga taqilgan metall lentani aniqlash). Urushdan oldin Afrika siyosiy yo'nalishi tarqoq edi. Ammo urushdan so'ng yangi soliqlar va ish haqining pasayishi va yangi ko'chib kelganlarning Afrika erlariga tahdid solishi natijasida yuzaga kelgan muammolar yangi harakatlarga olib keldi. Afrikaliklarning urushda to'plagan tajribalari oq ko'chmanchilar hukmronligini yaratish bilan birga Keniya toj koloniyasi, katta siyosiy faoliyatni keltirib chiqardi. Ismoil Ithongo 1921 yil may oyida Afrikada ish haqining pasayishiga qarshi birinchi ommaviy yig'ilishni chaqirdi. Garri Thuku tashkil etdi Yosh Kikuyu Uyushmasi (YKA) deb nomlangan nashrni boshladi Tangazo mustamlakachilik ma'muriyati va missiyalarini tanqid qilgan. YKA ko'plab Kikuyuga millatchilik tuyg'usini berdi va fuqarolik itoatsizligini targ'ib qildi. YKA bu yo'lga yo'l qo'ydi Kikuyu assotsiatsiyasi (KA) bilan rasmiy ravishda tan olingan qabila tanasi bo'lgan Garri Thuku uning kotibi sifatida. KA orqali Thuku Afrika saylov huquqini himoya qildi. Thuku bir qabila atrofida millatchilik harakatini tashkil etishni aqlsiz deb hisoblagan holda, Tuku o'z tashkilotining nomini o'zgartirdi Sharqiy Afrika assotsiatsiyasi va mahalliy hind jamoasini qo'shib, boshqa qabilalarga murojaat qilish orqali ko'p millatli a'zolikka intildi. Mustamlaka hukumati Thukuni fitnada ayblab, uni hibsga oldi va 1930 yilgacha hibsga oldi.^[28]

Kavirondoda (keyinchalik Nyanza viloyati) Daudi Basudde tomonidan uyushtirilgan missiya maktabida uyushtirilgan ish tashlash Afrikaning erga egaligining zararli oqibatlari to'g'risida xavotirni kuchaytirdi. Sharqiy Afrika protektorati uchun Keniya mustamlakasi. Bir qator uchrashuvlar "Piny Owacho" (Xalq Ovozi) 1921 yil dekabrda bo'lib o'tgan shaxsiy ommaviy hujjatlarni himoya qilish, kipande tizimidan va adolatli soliq tizimidan xalos bo'lish bo'yicha keng ommaviy yig'ilish bilan yakunlandi. Archdeakon V. E. Ouen Anglikalik missioner va Afrika ishlari bo'yicha taniqli advokat, ushbu harakatni prezident sifatida rasmiylashtirdi va kanalizatsiya qildi Kavirondo soliq to'lovchilarini qo'llab-quvvatlash uyushmasi. Xuddi shu tashvishlar bilan bog'liq, Jeyms Beauttah o'rtasida ittifoq tuzdi Kikuyu va Luo jamoalari.^[28][29]

1920 yillarning o'rtalarida Kikuyu markaziy assotsiatsiyasi (KCA) tashkil topdi. Boshchiligidagi Jozef Kenget va Jessi Kariuki, Garri Thukuning Sharqiy Afrika assotsiatsiyasidan olingan, faqat Kikuyu deyarli faqat vakili bo'lgan. Johnstone Kenyatta uyushmalar nashrining kotibi va muharriri bo'lgan Mugvitaniya (Birlashtiruvchi). KCA Kikuyu bir geografik siyosatga birlashtirishga e'tibor qaratdi, ammo uning loyihasi marosimlar uchun o'lpon, er ajratish va ayollarni sunnat qilishni taqiqlash bilan bog'liq tortishuvlar tufayli buzildi. Ular ozod qilish uchun ham kurashdilar Garri Thuku qamoqdan. Thuku ozod etilgach, u KCA prezidenti etib saylandi. Hukumat keyinchalik KCA-ni taqiqladi 2-jahon urushi Jessi Kariuki oq tanli erlar yaqinida yashovchi Kikuyusning majburiy ko'chishini taqqoslaganda boshlandi Natsist odamlarni majburiy ko'chirish bo'yicha politsiya.^[28]

Urushlar orasidagi siyosiy faoliyatning aksariyati mahalliy edi va bu Keniyaning Luo shahrida muvaffaqiyat qozondi, u erda ilg'or yosh rahbarlar katta boshliqlarga aylanishdi. 1930-yillarning oxiriga kelib hukumat oddiy afrikaliklarga marketing nazorati, ta'limni qattiq nazorat qilish va erni o'zgartirish orqali hujum qila boshladi. An'anaviy boshliqlar ahamiyatsiz bo'lib qolishdi, yoshroq erkaklar esa missionerlik cherkovlarida va davlat xizmatida o'qitish orqali muloqotga kirishdilar. 1930-1950 yillarda modernizatsiya qilishga shoshilgan hukumatlar tomonidan oddiy keniyaliklarga tazyiq ommaviy siyosiy partiyalarga "markazlashgan" yo'naltirilgan harakatlarni qo'llab-quvvatlashga imkon berdi, ammo hattoki ular ko'pincha mahalliy kommunikatorlarga ishonishdi.^[30]

20-asrning boshlarida ichki markaziy tog'larni inglizlar va boshqa evropalik dehqonlar joylashtirdilar, ular kofe va choyga boy dehqonchilik qilishdi.^[31] 1930-yillarga kelib, ushbu hududda 30 mingga yaqin oq ko'chmanchi yashab, bozor iqtisodiyotiga qo'shgan hissasi tufayli siyosiy ovozga ega bo'ldi. Hudud allaqachon milliondan ziyod a'zoning uyi edi Kikuyu qabilasi, ularning aksariyati Evropa sharoitida erga da'vo qilmagan va sayohat qilayotgan dehqonlar sifatida yashagan. O'z manfaatlarini himoya qilish uchun ko'chmanchilar kofe etishtirishni taqiqladilar, kulbaga soliq kiritdilar va ersizlarga o'z mehnati evaziga tobora kamroq yer berildi. Shaharlarga katta miqdordagi ko'chib ketish, ularning quruqlikdan yashashni ta'minlash qobiliyati pasayib ketganligi sababli yuzaga keldi.^[26]

Vakillik

Urushdan keyin Keniya yosh, yuqori sinf zobitlarini ko'chirish markaziga aylandi va oq ko'chmanchilarga kuchli aristokratik ohang berdi. Agar ularning aktivlari 1000 funt bo'lsa, ular 1000 gektar maydonni (4 km) bepul olishlari mumkin edi²); hukumatning maqsadi modernizatsiya va iqtisodiy o'sishni tezlashtirish edi. Ular kofe plantatsiyalarini o'rnatdilar, buning uchun qimmatbaho texnika, barqaror ishchi kuchi va to'rt yil davomida ekinlarni etishtirishni boshlash kerak edi. Faxriylar Britaniyada demokratiya va soliqqa tortilishdan qochib qutulishdi, ammo ular mustamlaka ustidan nazoratni qo'lga kiritish harakatlarini uddalay olmadilar. Migratsiya siyosatidagi yuqori sinf tarafkashligi oq tanlilar doimo ozchilikni tashkil etishini anglatardi. Ularning ko'plari mustaqillikka erishgandan keyin ketishdi.^[32][33]

Hokimiyat hokimning qo'lida to'planib qoldi; rasmiy tayinlanganlardan tashkil topgan kuchsiz qonun chiqaruvchi va ijro etuvchi kengashlar 1906 yilda tuzilgan edi. Evropalik ko'chmanchilarga 1920 yilda koloniya tashkil etilganda Qonunchilik kengashiga vakillarni saylash uchun ruxsat berildi. 30 ming kishilik oq ko'chmanchilar "mas'uliyatli hukumat" ni izlashdi, unda ular o'zlarining ovozlariga ega bo'lishdi. Ular juda ko'p sonli hind jamoalarining o'xshash talablariga qarshi chiqishdi. Evropalik ko'chmanchilar o'zlari uchun vakolat olishdi va hindlar va arablar uchun qonunchilik kengashida vakillikni minimallashtirishdi. Hukumat Kengashda Afrika manfaatlarini himoya qilish uchun Evropani tayinladi. 1923 yildagi "Devonshir deklaratsiyasida" mustamlakachilik idorasi afrikaliklarning manfaatlari (aholining 95 foizidan ko'prog'ini tashkil qiladi) birinchi o'rinda turishi kerak deb e'lon qildi - bu maqsadga erishish to'rt o'n yil davom etdi. Tarixchi Charlz Movat masalalarni tushuntirdi:

[Londondagi mustamlaka idorasi qaroriga ko'ra] mahalliy manfaatlar birinchi o'ringa qo'yilishi kerak; ammo buni amalga oshirish qiyin bo'ldi [Keniyada] ... bu erda 10 000 ga yaqin oq ko'chmanchilar, ularning aksariyati urushning sobiq zobitlari, ularning manfaatlari koloniyadagi uch million mahalliy va 23000 hindular manfaatlaridan ustun bo'lishini talab qildilar va talab qildilar. "mas'uliyatli hukumat", faqat o'zlari mas'uliyatni o'z zimmalariga olishlari sharti bilan. Mahalliy aholi tomonidan emas, balki hindular tomonidan qo'zg'atilgan va Hindiston hukumati tomonidan qattiq qo'llab-quvvatlangan uch yillik qattiq tortishuvlardan so'ng, mustamlaka idorasi qaror qildi: mahalliy aholining manfaati "ustun" edi va mas'uliyatli hukumat bu savolga javob bermadi, ammo hech qanday keskin o'zgarish ko'zda tutilmagan - bu aslida ko'chmanchilarning yuksalishini saqlab qolishdir.^[34]

Ikkinchi jahon urushi

In Ikkinchi jahon urushi (1939–45) Keniya Angliyada Italiyaga qarshi muvaffaqiyatli yurishlar uchun muhim harbiy bazaga aylandi Italiya Somaliland va Efiopiya. Urush "askaris" deb nomlangan 98 ming kishiga harbiy xizmat uchun pul va imkoniyat keltirdi. Urush Afrika millatchiligini rag'batlantirdi. Urushdan keyin afrikalik sobiq harbiy xizmatchilar o'zlarining ijtimoiy-iqtisodiy yutuqlarini ushbu xizmatda xizmat qilish orqali saqlashga intildilar. Qirolning Afrika miltiqlari (KAR). O'rta sinfdagi ish va ijtimoiy imtiyozlarni qidirib, ular mustamlaka davlatidagi mavjud munosabatlarga qarshi chiqishdi. Aksariyat hollarda faxriylar o'zlarining intilishlariga eng yaxshi mustamlakachilik jamiyati doirasida erishish mumkin deb hisoblab, milliy siyosatda qatnashmadilar. KAR xizmatining ijtimoiy va iqtisodiy mazmuni, urush paytida Keniyaning mudofaa kuchlarining kengayishi bilan birlashganda, o'ziga xos xususiyatlari va manfaatlariga ega bo'lgan zamonaviylashtirilgan afrikaliklarning yangi sinfini yaratdi. Ushbu ijtimoiy-iqtisodiy tasavvurlar urushdan keyin kuchli bo'ldi.^[35][36]

Qishloq tendentsiyalari

Britaniya amaldorlari 1920–45 yillarda Murang'a tumanida Kikuyu dehqonchiligini modernizatsiya qilishga intilishdi. Vasiylik va ilmiy boshqaruv tushunchalariga tayanib, ular mustamlaka qabilalar qo'riqxonalarida dehqonchilikni saqlash va "takomillashtirish" ga da'vo qilib, o'simlik etishtirish va agrar texnikada bir qator o'zgarishlarni amalga oshirdilar. Britaniyalik amaldorlar va oq ko'chmanchilar tomonidan qoloq deb tan olingan bo'lsa-da, afrikalik dehqonchilik chidamli bo'lib, Kikuyu fermerlari mustamlakachilik davlatining agrar islohotlariga qarshi keng qarshilik ko'rsatdilar.^[37]

Modernizatsiya Ikkinchi Jahon urushi bilan tezlashdi. Orasida Luo katta qishloq xo'jaligi ishlab chiqarish birligi patriarxning katta oilasi bo'lib, asosan patriarx boshchiligidagi maxsus topshiriq guruhiga va uning xotinlari jamoalariga bo'lingan bo'lib, ular o'z farzandlari bilan birgalikda o'z uchastkalarini doimiy ravishda ishlashgan. Rivojlanishning ushbu bosqichi endi an'anaviy bo'lib qolmadi, lekin keng bozor bilan ozgina aloqada bo'lib, asosan o'zini o'zi ta'minladi. Aholining haddan tashqari ko'payishi va naqd paxta hosilining istiqbollari, 1945 yilga kelib dalil sifatida, bu hayotiy iqtisodiy tizimni tobora eskirgan holga keltirdi va tijorat qishloq xo'jaligi va shaharlarga ko'chib o'tishni tezlashtirdi. 1968 yilda qabul qilingan "Harakatlarni cheklash to'g'risida" gi qonun an'anaviy erga egalik va foydalanishni zamonaviylashtirishga intildi; qilmish kutilmagan oqibatlarga olib keldi, erga egalik va ijtimoiy mavqega oid yangi nizolar ko'tarildi.^[38]

Urushdan keyin Keniya modernizatsiya qilinganligi sababli, Britaniya rahbariyatining sa'y-harakatlariga qaramay, Britaniya diniy missiyalarining roli o'z rollarini o'zgartirdi. Cherkov missionerlik jamiyati an'anaviy diniy e'tiborni saqlab qolish. Biroq, ijtimoiy va ma'rifiy ehtiyojlar tobora ravshanlashib bordi va Mau Mau qo'zg'olonlari tahdidi missiyalarni tibbiy, gumanitar va ayniqsa ta'lim dasturlarini ta'kidlashga majbur qildi. Britaniyada mablag 'yig'ish harakatlari tobora ko'proq diniy bo'lmagan tarkibiy qismlarni ta'kidlamoqda. Bundan tashqari, boshqaruvni tez orada mahalliy aholiga topshirish eng muhim vazifaga aylandi.^[39][40]

Keniya Afrika ittifoqi

Ularning siyosiy vakillikdan chetlatilishiga munosabat sifatida Kikuyu odamlari, 1921 yilda Keniyada birinchi Afrikadagi siyosiy norozilik harakati tashkil etilgan ko'chmanchilar tomonidan eng ko'p bosim o'tkazilgan Yosh Kikuyu uyushmasi, boshchiligida Garri Thuku. Yosh Kikuyu uyushmasi hukumat tomonidan taqiqlangandan so'ng, uning o'rniga Kikuyu markaziy assotsiatsiyasi 1924 yilda.

1944 yilda Thuku 1946 yilda Keniya Afrika Ittifoqi (KAU) bo'lgan ko'p qavatli Keniya Afrikani o'rganish ittifoqini (KASU) tashkil etdi va birinchi raisi bo'ldi. Bu edi Afrikalik millatchi oq tanli erlarga kirishni talab qilgan tashkilot. KAU Keniya qonunchilik kengashining birinchi qora tanli a'zosi uchun okrug birlashmasi sifatida ish olib bordi, Eliud Matu 1944 yilda gubernator tomonidan Afrikaning elit fikri bilan maslahatlashganidan keyin tayinlangan. KAU Kikuyu etnik guruhining hukmronligi ostida qoldi. Biroq, KAU rahbariyati ko'p qavatli edi. Uiklif Avori birinchi vitse-prezident edi va undan keyin Tom Mbotela. 1947 yilda Jomo Kenyatta, mo''tadil Kikuyu Markaziy assotsiatsiyasining sobiq prezidenti, afrikaliklar uchun ko'proq siyosiy ovozni talab qilish uchun ko'proq agressiv KAU prezidenti bo'ldi. KAUning butun mamlakat bo'ylab qo'llab-quvvatlashiga erishish uchun Jomo Kenyatta tashrif buyurdi Kisumu 1952 yilda. Nyanzadagi KAUga ko'mak yaratish uchun qilgan harakatlari ilhomlantirdi Oginga Odinga, Ker Luo ittifoqining (boshlig'i) (Sharqiy Afrikadagi Luo jamoati a'zolarini vakili bo'lgan tashkilot) KAUga qo'shilish va siyosatga kirishish uchun. ^[28]

Ko'tarilgan bosimlarga javoban Britaniya mustamlakachilik idorasi Qonunchilik kengashi tarkibini kengaytirdi va uning rolini oshirdi. 1952 yilga kelib ko'p millatli kvotalar tartibi gubernator tomonidan tanlangan qo'shimcha 6 ta afrikalik va 1 ta arab a'zosi bilan birgalikda 14 ta Evropa, 1 arab va 6 osiyolik saylangan a'zolar uchun ruxsat berildi. Vazirlar kengashi 1954 yilda hukumatning asosiy vositasiga aylandi.

Mau-Mau qo'zg'oloni

Asosiy suv havzasi 1952 yildan 1956 yilgacha bo'lgan davrda sodir bo'lgan Mau Mau qo'zg'oloni, qurolli mahalliy harakat asosan mustamlakachilik hukumati va evropalik ko'chmanchilarga qarshi qaratilgan.^[41] Bu Buyuk Britaniyadagi Afrikadagi eng katta va eng muvaffaqiyatli harakat edi. A'zolari qirq guruh, 2-jahon urushi (WW2) faxriylari, shu jumladan Stenli Mathenj, Bildad Kaggia va Fred Kubay qo'zg'olonning asosiy etakchilariga aylandi. Ikkinchi Jahon urushi paytida ularning tajribalari siyosiy ongni uyg'otdi, tizimni o'zgartirishga qat'iylik va ishonch bag'ishladi. Sifatida tanilgan KAUning asosiy rahbarlari Kapenguriya oltitasi 21 oktyabrda hibsga olingan. Ular o'z ichiga oladi Jomo Kenyatta, Pol Ngei, Kungu Karumba, Bildad Kaggia, Fred Kubay va Achieng Oneko. Kenyatta Mau Mau rahbari ekanligini rad etdi, ammo sudda hukm qilindi va 1953 yilda qamoqqa jo'natildi va 1961 yilda erkinlikka erishdi.

Mustamlaka hukumati tomonidan olib borilgan qizg'in targ'ibot kampaniyasi Mau Mau tomonidan amalga oshirilgan barbarlik harakatlarini ta'kidlab, Keniyaning boshqa jamoalari, ko'chmanchilari va xalqaro hamjamiyatni harakatga xayrixohlik qilishdan samarali ravishda to'xtatdi. Although a much smaller number of Europeans lost their lives compared to Africans during the uprising, each individual European loss of life was publicised in disturbing detail, emphasising elements of betrayal and bestiality.^[28] As a result, the protest was supported almost exclusively by the Kikuyu, despite issues of land rights and anti-European, anti-Western appeals designed to attract other groups. The Mau Mau movement was also a bitter internal struggle among the Kikuyu. Garri Thuku said in 1952, "To-day we, the Kikuyu, stand ashamed and looked upon as hopeless people in the eyes of other races and before the Government. Why? Because of the crimes perpetrated by Mau Mau and because the Kikuyu have made themselves Mau Mau." That said, other Kenyans directly or indirectly supported the movement. Ayniqsa, Pio Gama Pinto, a Kenyan of Goan descent, facilitated the provision of firearms to forest fighters. He was arrested in 1954 and detained until 1959.^[28] Another notable example was the pioneering lawyer Argvings Kodhek, the first East African to obtain a law degree. He became known as the Mau Mau lawyer as he would successfully defend Africans accused of Mau Mau crimes pro bono. ^[42] The British killed over 12,000 Mau Mau militants and implemented policies involving the forced relocation of local people from the fertile highlands to make way for white colonial settlers and the incarceration of over 150,000 men, women and children in concentration camps.^[43] British authorities used rape, castration, lit cigarettes on tender spots and electric shocks to torture Kenyans.^[44]

The Mau Mau uprising set in play a series of events that expedited the road to Kenya's Independence. A Royal Commission on Land and Population condemned the reservation of land on a racial basis. To support its military campaign of counter-insurgency the colonial government embarked on agrarian reforms that stripped white settlers of many of their former protections; for example, Africans were for the first time allowed to grow coffee, the major cash crop. Thuku was one of the first Kikuyu to win a coffee licence, and in 1959 he became the first African board member of the Kenya Planters Coffee Union. The East African Salaries Commission put forth a recommendation - 'equal pay for equal work' - that was immediately accepted. Racist policies in public places and hotels were eased. John David Drummond, 17th Earl of Perth va Minister of State for Colonial affairs stated: "The effort required to suppress Mau Mau destroyed any settlers illusions that they could go it alone; the British Government was not prepared for the shedding of [more] blood in order to preserve colonial rule." ^[45][46][28]

Trade Unionism and the struggle for independence

The pioneers of the trade union movement were Maxan Singx, Fred Kubai va Bildad Kaggia. 1935 yilda, Maxan Singx boshladi Labour trade union of Kenya. In the 1940’s, Fred Kubai started the Transport and Allied Workers Union and Bildad Kaggia founded the Clerks and Commercial Workers Union. In 1949, Makhan Singh and Fred Kubai started the East Africa Trade Union Congress. They organised strikes including the railway workers strike in 1939 and the protest against granting of a Royal Charter to Nairobi in 1950. These pioneering trade union leaders were imprisoned during the crackdown on Mau Mau. ^[47][28] Following this crackdown, all national African political activity was banned. This ban was in place even when the first African members of the legislative council (MLCs) were elected. To manage and control African political activity, the colonial government permitted district parties starting in 1955. This effectively prevented African unity by encouraging ethnic affiliation. Trade unions led by younger Africans filled the vacuum created by the crackdown as the only organisations that could mobilise the masses when political parties were banned. ^[47][28]

The Kenya Federation of Registered Trade Unions (KFRTU) tomonidan boshlangan Aggrey Minya in 1952 but was largely ineffective.^[47] Tom Mboya was one of the young leaders who stepped into the limelight. His intelligence, discipline, oratory and organisational skills set him apart. After the colonial government declared a state of emergency on account of Mau Mau, at age 22, Mboya became the Director of Information of KAU. After KAU was banned, Mboya used the KFRTU to represent African political issues as its Secretary General at 26 years of age. The KFRTU was backed by the western leaning Xalqaro erkin kasaba uyushmalari konfederatsiyasi (ICFTU). Tom Mboya then started the Kenya Federation of Labour (KFL) in place of KFRTU, which quickly became the most active political body in Kenya, representing all the trade unions. Mboya’s successes in trade unionism earned him respect and admiration. Mboya established international connections, particularly with labour leaders in the Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari through the ICFTU. He used these connections and his international renown to counter moves by the colonial government.^[47][28]

Several trade union leaders who were actively involved in the independence struggle through KFL would go on to join active politics becoming members of parliament and cabinet ministers. Bunga quyidagilar kiradi Arthur Aggrey Ochwada, Dennis Akumu, Clement Lubembe va Ochola Ogaye Mak'Anyengo.^[47][48][49] The trade union movement would later become a major battlefront in the proxy sovuq urush that would engulf Kenyan politics in the 1960s.^[50]

Constitutional debates

After the suppression of the Mau Mau rising, the British provided for the election of the six African members to the Legislative Council (MLC) under a weighted franchise based on education. Mboya successfully stood for office in the first election for African MLCs in 1957, beating the previously nominated incumbent, Argvings Kodhek. Daniel Arap Moi was the only previously nominated African MLC who kept his seat. Oginga Odinga was also elected and shortly afterwards nominated as the first chairman of the African elected members. Mboya’s party, the Nairobi People’s Convention Party (NPCP), ilhomlangan Kwame Nkurumah’s People’s Convention Party. It became the most organised and effective political party in the country. The NPCP was used to effectively mobilise the masses in Nairobi in the struggle for greater African representation on the council. The new colonial constitution of 1958 increased African representation, but African nationalists began to demand a democratic franchise on the principle of "one man, one vote." However, Europeans and Asians, because of their minority position, feared the effects of universal suffrage.

1958 yil iyun oyida, Oginga Odinga called for the release of Jomo Kenyatta. This call built momentum and was taken up by the NPCP. Agitation for African suffrage and self-rule picked up in pace. One major hindrance to self-rule was the lack of African human capital. Poor education, economic development and a lack of African technocrats were a real problem. This inspired Tom Mboya to begin a programme conceptualised by a close confidante Doktor Blasio Vinsent Oriedo, funded by Americans, of sending talented youth to the United States for higher education. There was no university in Kenya at the time, but colonial officials opposed the programme anyway. The next year Senator Jon F. Kennedi helped fund the programme, hence its popular name - Kennedi havo kemasi. ^[51] This scholarship program trained some 70% of the top leaders of the new nation, including the first African woman to win the Nobel Peace Prize, environmentalist Vangari Maatai va Barak Obama otasi, Barak Obama Sr.^[52]

At a conference held in 1960 in London, agreement was reached between the African members and the British settlers of the New Kenya Group, boshchiligida Maykl Blundell. However many whites rejected the New Kenya Group and condemned the London agreement, because it moved away from racial quotas and toward independence. Following the agreement a new African party, the Keniya Afrika milliy ittifoqi (KANU), with the slogan "Uhuru," or "Freedom," was formed under the leadership of Kikuyu leader James S. Gichuru va mehnat rahbari Tom Mboya. KANU was formed in May 1960 when the Keniya Afrika ittifoqi (KAU) bilan birlashtirildi Keniya mustaqillik harakati (KIM) va Nairobi People's Convention Party (NPCP). ^[53] Mboya was a major figure from 1951 until his death in 1969. He was praised as nonethnic or antitribal, and attacked as an instrument of Western capitalism. Mboya as General Secretary of the Kenya Federation of Labour and a leader in the Kenya African National Union before and after independence skilfully managed the tribal factor in Kenyan economic and political life to succeed as a Luo in a predominantly Kikuyu movement.^[54] A split in KANU produced the breakaway rival party, the Kenya African Democratic Union (KADU), led by R. Ngala and M. Muliro. In elections of February 1961, KANU won 19 of the 33 African seats while KADU won 11 (twenty seats were reserved by quota for Europeans, Asians and Arabs). Kenyatta was finally released in August and became president of KANU in October.

Mustaqillik

In 1962, a KANU-KADU coalition government, including both Kenyatta and Ngala, was formed. The 1962 constitution established a bicameral legislature consisting of a 117-member House of Representatives and a 41-member Senate. The country was divided into 7 semi-autonomous regions, each with its own regional assembly. The quota principle of reserved seats for non-Africans was abandoned, and open elections were held in May 1963. KADU gained control of the assemblies in the Rift Valley, Coast and Western regions. KANU won majorities in the Senate and House of Representatives, and in the assemblies in the Central, Eastern and Nyanza regions.^[55] Kenya now achieved internal self-government with Jomo Kenyatta as its first president. The British and KANU agreed, over KADU protests, to constitutional changes in October 1963 strengthening the central government. Kenya attained independence on 12 December 1963 and was declared a republic on 1 June 1964 with Jomo Kenyatta as Head of State.^[56] In 1964 constitutional changes further centralised the government and various state organs were formed. One of the key state organs was the Keniya Markaziy banki which was established in 1966 .

The British government bought out the white settlers and they mostly left Kenya. The Indian minority dominated retail business in the cities and most towns, but was deeply distrusted by the Africans. As a result, 120,000 of the 176,000 Indians kept their old British passports rather than become citizens of an independent Kenya; large numbers left Kenya, most of them headed to Britain.^[57]

Kenyatta tenure (1963–1978)

Media-ni ijro etish

1973 newsreel about Kenyetta's rule

Once in power Kenyatta swerved from radical nationalism to conservative bourgeois politics. The plantations formerly owned by white settlers were broken up and given to farmers, with the Kikuyu the favoured recipients, along with their allies the Embu and the Meru. By 1978 most of the country's wealth and power was in the hands of the organisation which grouped these three tribes: the Gikuyu-Embu-Meru Association (GEMA), together comprising 30% of the population. At the same time the Kikuyu, with Kenyatta's support, spread beyond their traditional territorial homelands and repossessed lands "stolen by the whites" – even when these had previously belonged to other groups. The other groups, a 70% majority, were outraged, setting up long-term ethnic animosities.^[58]

The minority party, the Keniya Afrika Demokratik Ittifoqi (KADU), representing a coalition of small tribes that had feared dominance by larger ones, dissolved itself voluntarily in 1964 and former members joined KANU. KANU was the only party 1964–66 when a faction broke away as the Keniya Xalq Ittifoqi (KPU). Bunga rahbarlik qilgan Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, a former vice-president and Luo oqsoqol. KPU advocated a more "scientific" route to socialism—criticising the slow progress in land redistribution and employment opportunities—as well as a realignment of foreign policy in favour of the Sovet Ittifoqi. On the 25th of February 1965, Pio Gama Pinto, a Kenyan of Goan descent and freedom fighter who was detained during the colonial period was assassinated in what is recognised as Kenya's first political assassination. U ham edi Oginga Odinga’s chief tactician and link to the eastern bloc. ^[59] His death dealt a severe blow to the Oginga Odinga's organisational efforts.^[60]

The government used a variety of political and economic measures to harass the KPU and its prospective and actual members. KPU branches were unable to register, KPU meetings were prevented and civil servants and politicians suffered severe economic and political consequences for joining the KPU. A security Act that was passed in Parliament in July 1966 and granted the government powers to carry out detention without trial was used against KPU members. ^[61]In a series of dawn raids in August 1966, several KPU party members were arrested and detained without trial. Ular kiritilgan Ochola Mak'Anyengo (the secretary general of the Kenya Petroleum Oil Workers Union), Oluande Koduol (Oginga Odinga’s private secretary) and Peter Ooko (the general secretary of the East African Common Services Civil Servants Union). ^[62]

In June 1969 Tom Mboya, a Luo member of the government considered a potential successor to Kenyatta, was assassinated. Hostility between Kikuyu and Luo was heightened, and after riots broke out in Luo country KPU was banned. The specific riots that led to the banning of KPU resulted in the incident referred to as the Kisumu qirg'ini.^[63] Kenya thereby became a one-party state under KANU.^[64]

Ignoring his suppression of the opposition and continued factionalism within KANU the imposition of one-party rule allowed Mzee ("Old Man") Kenyatta, who had led the country since independence, claimed he achieved "political stability." Underlying social tensions were evident, however. Kenya's very rapid population growth rate and considerable rural to urban migration were in large part responsible for high unemployment and disorder in the cities. There also was much resentment by blacks at the privileged economic position in the country of Asians and Europeans.

At Kenyatta's death (22 August 1978), Vice-President Daniel arap Moi became interim President. On 14 October, Moi formally became President after he was elected head of KANU and designated its sole nominee. In June 1982, the National Assembly amended the constitution, making Kenya officially a one-party state. On 1 August members of the Kenyan Air Force ishga tushirildi to'ntarishga urinish, which was quickly suppressed by Loyalist forces led by the Army the Umumiy xizmat ko'rsatish bo'limi (GSU) – paramilitary wing of the police – and later the regular police, but not without civilian casualties.^[21]

Tashqi siyosat

Independent Kenya, although officially non-aligned, adopted a pro-Western stance.^[65] Kenya worked unsuccessfully for East African union; the proposal to unite Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda did not win approval. However, the three nations did form a loose East African Community (EAC) in 1967, that maintained the customs union and some common services that they had shared under British rule. The EAC collapsed in 1977 and it was officially dissolved in 1984. Kenya's relations with Somalia deteriorated over the problem of Somalis in the North Eastern Province who tried to secede and were supported by Somalia. In 1968, however, Kenya and Somalia agreed to restore normal relations, and the Somali rebellion effectively ended.^[21]

Moi regime (1978–2002)

Kenyatta died in 1978 and was succeeded by Daniel Arap Moi (b. 1924) who ruled as President 1978–2002. Moi, a member of the Kalenjin ethnic group, quickly consolidated his position and governed in an authoritarian and corrupt manner. By 1986, Moi had concentrated all the power – and most of its attendant economic benefits – into the hands of his Kalenjin tribe and of a handful of allies from minority groups.^[21]

On 1 August 1982, lower-level air force personnel, led by Senior Xususiy Grade-I Xizqiya Ochuka and backed by university students, davlat to'ntarishiga uringan to oust Moi. The putsch was quickly suppressed by forces commanded by Army Commander Mahamud Muhammad, a veteran Somali military official.^[66] In the coup's aftermath, some of Nairobi's poor Kenyans attacked and looted stores owned by Asians. Robert Ouko, the senior Luo in Moi's cabinet, was appointed to expose corruption at high levels, but was murdered a few months later. Moi's closest associate was implicated in Ouko's murder; Moi dismissed him but not before his remaining Luo support had evaporated. Germany recalled its ambassador to protest the "increasing brutality" of the regime and foreign donors pressed Moi to allow other parties, which was done in December 1991 through a constitutional amendment.^[21]

Poshnalarida Garissa qirg'ini of 1980, Kenyan troops committed the Vagalla qirg'ini in 1984 against thousands of civilians in the Shimoliy Sharqiy viloyat. An official probe into the atrocities was later ordered in 2011.^[67]

Ko'p partiyali siyosat

Prezident Daniel arap Moi 1979 yilda.

After local and foreign pressure, in December 1991, parliament repealed the one-party section of the constitution. The Forum for the Restoration of Democracy (FORD) emerged as the leading opposition to KANU, and dozens of leading KANU figures switched parties. But FORD, led by Oginga Odinga (1911–1994), a Luo and Kenneth Matiba, a Kikuyu, split into two ethnically based factions. In the first open presidential elections in a quarter century, in December 1992, Moi won with 37% of the vote, Matiba received 26%, Mwai Kibaki (of the mostly Kikuyu Democratic Party) 19%, and Odinga 18%. In the Assembly, KANU won 97 of the 188 seats at stake. Moi's government in 1993 agreed to economic reforms long urged by the Jahon banki va Xalqaro valyuta fondi, which restored enough aid for Kenya to service its $7.5 billion foreign debt.^[21]

Obstructing the press both before and after the 1992 elections, Moi continually maintained that multiparty politics would only promote tribal conflict. His own regime depended upon exploitation of inter-group hatreds. Under Moi, the apparatus of clientage and control was underpinned by the system of powerful provincial commissioners, each with a bureaucratic hierarchy based on chiefs (and their police) that was more powerful than the elected members of parliament. Elected local councils lost most of their power, and the provincial bosses were answerable only to the central government, which in turn was dominated by the president. The emergence of mass opposition in 1990–91 and demands for constitutional reform were met by rallies against pluralism. The regime leaned on the support of the Kalenjin and incited the Maasai against the Kikuyu. Government politicians denounced the Kikuyu as traitors, obstructed their registration as voters and threatened them with dispossession. In 1993 and after, mass evictions of Kikuyu took place, often with the direct involvement of army, police and game rangers. Armed clashes and many casualties, including deaths, resulted.^[68]

Further liberalisation in November 1997 allowed the expansion of political parties from 11 to 26. President Moi won re-election as President in the December 1997 elections, and his KANU Party narrowly retained its parliamentary majority.

Moi ruled using a strategic mixture of ethnic favouritism, state repression and marginalisation of opposition forces. He utilised detention and torture, looted public finances and appropriated land and other property. Moi sponsored irregular army units that attacked the Luo, Luhya and Kikuyu communities, and he disclaimed responsibility by assigning the violence to ethnic clashes arising from a land dispute.^[69] Beginning in 1998, Moi engaged in a carefully calculated strategy to manage the presidential succession in his and his party's favour. Faced with the challenge of a new, multiethnic political coalition, Moi shifted the axis of the 2002 electoral contest from ethnicity to the politics of generational conflict. The strategy backfired, ripping his party wide open and resulting in its humiliating defeat of his candidate, Kenyatta's son, in the December 2002 general elections.^[70][71]

Recent history (2002 to present)

2002 yilgi saylovlar

Mvai Kibaki and (the late) Mrs. Lyusi Kibaki AQSh prezidenti bilan Jorj V.Bush va xonim Laura Bush da oq uy during a state visit in 2003.

Constitutionally barred from running in the December 2002 presidential elections, Moi unsuccessfully promoted Uxuru Kenyatta, the son of Kenya's first President, as his successor. A rainbow coalition of opposition parties routed the ruling KANU party, and its leader, Moi's former vice-president Mvai Kibaki, was elected President by a large majority.

On 27 December 2002, by 62% the voters overwhelmingly elected members of the National Rainbow Coalition (NaRC) to parliament and NaRC candidate Mwai Kibaki (b. 1931) to the presidency. Voters rejected the Kenya African National Union's (KANU) presidential candidate, Uhuru Kenyatta, the handpicked candidate of outgoing president Moi. International and local observers reported the 2002 elections to be generally more fair and less violent than those of both 1992 and 1997. His strong showing allowed Kibaki to choose a cabinet, to seek international support and to balance power within the NaRC.

Iqtisodiy tendentsiyalar

Kenya witnessed a spectacular economic recovery, helped by a favourable international environment. The annual rate of growth improved from −1.6% in 2002 to 2.6% by 2004, 3.4% in 2005, and 5.5% in 2007. However, social inequalities also increased; the economic benefits went disproportionately to the already well-off (especially to the Kikuyu); corruption reached new depths, matching some of the excesses of the Moi years. Social conditions deteriorated for ordinary Kenyans, who faced a growing wave of routine crime in urban areas; pitched battles between ethnic groups fighting for land; and a feud between the police and the Mungiki sect, which left over 120 people dead in May–November 2007 alone.^[58]

2007 elections and ethnic violence

To'q rangli demokratik harakat leader Prime Minister Omolo Odinga speaking with the Kenyan media.

Once regarded as the world's "most optimistic," Kibaki's regime quickly lost much of its power because it became too closely linked with the discredited Moi forces. The continuity between Kibaki and Moi set the stage for the self-destruction of Kibaki's National Rainbow Coalition, which was dominated by Kikuyus. The western Luo and Kalenjin groups, demanding greater autonomy, backed Raila Amolo Odinga (1945– ) and his Orange Democratic Movement (ODM).^[72]

In the December 2007 elections, Odinga, the candidate of the ODM, attacked the failures of the Kibaki regime. The ODM charged the Kikuyu with having grabbed everything and all the other tribes having lost; that Kibaki had betrayed his promises for change; that crime and violence were out of control, and that economic growth was not bringing any benefits to the ordinary citizen. In the December 2007 elections the ODM won majority seats in Parliament, but the presidential elections votes were marred by claims of rigging by both sides. It may never be clear who won the elections, but it was roughly 50:50 before the rigging started.^[73]

"Majimboism " was a philosophy that emerged in the 1950s, meaning federalism or regionalism in Swahili, and it was intended to protect local rights, especially regarding land ownership. Today "majimboism" is code for certain areas of the country to be reserved for specific ethnic groups, fuelling the kind of ethnic cleansing that has swept the country since the election. Majimboism has always had a strong following in the Rift Valley, the epicenter of the recent violence, where many locals have long believed that their land was stolen by outsiders. The December 2007 election was in part a referendum on majimboism. It pitted today's majimboists, represented by Odinga, who campaigned for regionalism, against Kibaki, who stood for the status quo of a highly centralised government that has delivered considerable economic growth but has repeatedly displayed the problems of too much power concentrated in too few hands – corruption, aloofness, favouritism and its flip side, marginalisation. In the town of Londiani in the Rift vodiysi, Kikuyu traders settled decades ago. In February 2008, hundreds of Kalenjin raiders poured down from the nearby scruffy hills and burned a Kikuyu school. Three hundred thousand members of the Kikuyu community were displaced from Rift Valley province.^[74] Kikuyus quickly took revenge, organising into gangs armed with iron bars and table legs and hunting down Luos and Kalenjins in Kikuyu-dominated areas like Nakuru. "We are achieving our own perverse version of majimboism," wrote one of Kenya's leading columnists, Macharia Gaitho.^[75]

The Luo population of the southwest had enjoyed an advantageous position during the late colonial and early independence periods of the 1950s, 1960s and early 1970s, particularly in terms of the prominence of its modern elite compared to those of other groups. However the Luo lost prominence due to the success of Kikuyu and related groups (Embu and Meru) in gaining and exercising political power during the Jomo Kenyatta era (1963–1978). While measurements of poverty and health by the early 2000s showed the Luo disadvantaged relative to other Kenyans, the growing presence of non-Luo in the professions reflected a dilution of Luo professionals due to the arrival of others rather than an absolute decline in the Luo numbers.^[76]

Demografik tendentsiyalar

Kenya demography (1961–2003).

Between 1980 and 2000 total fecundity in Kenya fell by about 40%, from some eight births per woman to around five. During the same period, fertility in Uganda declined by less than 10%. The difference was due primarily to greater contraceptive use in Kenya, though in Uganda there was also a reduction in pathological sterility. The Demografik and Health Surveys carried out every five years show that women in Kenya wanted fewer children than those in Uganda and that in Uganda there was also a greater unmet need for contraception. These differences may be attributed, in part at least, to the divergent paths of economic development followed by the two countries since independence and to the Kenya government's active promotion of family planning, which the Uganda government did not promote until 1995.^[77]

Shuningdek qarang

• Keniya xronologiyasi
• Leaders:
  • Keniyaning mustamlaka rahbarlari
  • Keniya hukumat rahbarlari (12 December 1963 to 12 December 1964)
  • Keniya davlat rahbarlari (12 December 1964 to today)
• Keniya siyosati
• History of cities in Kenya:
  • Mombasa tarix va vaqt jadvali
  • Nayrobi tarix va vaqt jadvali
• Afrika tarixi
• Uganda tarixi
• Tanzaniya tarixi
• Insoniyat evolyutsiyasi qoldiqlari ro'yxati

Bibliografiya

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Tarix

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• Maxon RM (2003). Going Their Separate Ways: Agrarian Transformation in Kenya, 1930–1950. Medison, NJ: Fairleigh Dikkinson universiteti matbuoti. ISBN  9780838638934.
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• Ochieng' WR, Maxon RM, eds. (1992). Economic History of Kenya. Nairobi, Kenya: East African Educational Publishers Ltd. ISBN  9789966469632. OCLC  655670874.
• Ochieng' WR, ed. (1991). Themes in Kenyan History. Ogayo universiteti matbuoti. ISBN  9780821409770.
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Birlamchi manbalar

• Askwith T (1995). Lewis J (ed.). From Mau Mau to Harambee: Memoirs and Memoranda of Colonial Kenya. 17. Kembrij, Buyuk Britaniya: Kembrij universiteti matbuoti. ISBN  9780902993303.
• Kareri CM (2003). Peterson DR (ed.). The Life of Charles Muhoro Kareri. Wisconsin African Studies Program. Translated by Muriithi JK. Viskonsin-Medison universiteti.
• Maathai WM (2006). Unbowed: Memoir. Knopf. ISBN  9780307263483.

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